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EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 



THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 

KEW YORK • BOSTON • CHICAGO • DALLAS 
ATLANTA • SAN FRANCISCO 

MACMILLAN & CO., Limited 

LONDON • BOMBAY • CALCUTTA 
MELBOURNE 

THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA. Ltd. 

TORONTO 



EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 



THE APPLICATION OF SCIENTIFIC METHODS 

TO THE SELECTION, TRAINING AND 

GRADING OF EMPLOYEES 



BY 
HENRY C. LINK, Ph.D. 



THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 
1919 

All rights reserved 



A-n 



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Copyright, 1919 

By the MACMILLAN COMPANY 

Set up and electrotyped. Published July, 1919 



(g)Cl.A529396 



TO 
CAROLYN CROSBY WILSON 



ACKNOWLEDGMENT 

Among the sources to which I am indebted I wish to 
acknowledge, in particular, Mr. L. O. Pethick, whose in- 
timate knowledge of industrial personnel problems con- 
tributed immeasurably toward making these applications 
of psychology immediately practical. Among psycholo- 
gists, I desire to express my thanks above all to Professors 
E. L. Thorndike, Roswell P. Angier, H. L. Holling- 
worth, and R. M. Elliott, who most generously gave me 
of their own experience and knowledge. For the index 
and other valued assistance I am indebted to Miss Sabina 
Connolly. Among the many friends and colleagues to 
w^hom I am grateful for very helpful cooperation are Mr. 
John L. Koehne, Miss Marion Gilbert, and Mr. J. H. J. 
Adams. In inscribing this book to my wife I am not only 
acknowledging a source of inspiration, but am faintly ex- 
pressing my gratitude for her constant help in preparing 
the manuscript for publication. 



Vll 



INTRODUCTION 

Science finds that individuals differ, and differ widely, 
in any trait or combination of traits. They thus differ in 
their fitness for certain studies in school, games at play, 
and jobs at work. Industrial practice finds that a large 
fraction of this variability remains within a group willing 
to do a given sort of work at a given wage per hour. 

Consequently if there are ten applicants for a certain 
job there will commonly be a large advantage to the em- 
ployer who selects the most fit rather than the least fit 
of the ten. Also if an individual has the choice among ten 
jobs of equal wage there will commonly be a large ad- 
vantage to him if he selects the job for which he is most 
fit rather than the one for which he is least fit. Other 
things being equal, both the employer and the employee 
gain in proportion as men work at a job for which they are 
more fit than any other men are, and as each man is given 
the job for which he is better fitted than for any other 
job. The country as a whole, of course, gains very greatly 
as such a double fit is approximated. 

If sufficient ability and effort are expended it is possible 
to measure the comparative fitness of any number of men 
for any one given job, or the comparative fitness of any 
one man for any number of different jobs. These are the 
tasks of scientific personnel work, the former being the 
special work of the employment manager and the latter 
being the special work of the vocational counsellor. 

In some cases a direct trial at the job itself is still the 
best way to measure fitness; but usually the scientific 

ix 



X INTRODUCTION 

employment manager has some principles of selection 
which operate in advance of an actual trial. Among 
these means of provisional selection or limitation of the 
numbers for actual trial, objective measurements of the 
candidate's abilities and achievements and aptitudes are 
being adopted rapidly by progressive employers. Among 
such objective measurements, those devised by psycholo- 
gists have recently attracted special attention by their 
promise of special usefulness. They seem destined to 
save time, trouble, and money in many cases. 

Dr. Link's book is important because it gives an honest, 
impartial account of the use of psychological tests under 
working conditions in a representative industry. He has 
the great merit of writing as a man of science assessing 
his own work, not as an enthusiast eager to make a market 
for psychology with business men. Indeed the story of 
his experiments is distinctly conservative, for in many 
cases he could have obtained an even better prediction 
of success at a given job than he did obtain, by applying 
the technique of partial correlations and the regression 
equation so as to obtain a weighted composite score from 
a team of tests. 

Dr. Link's book also gives much valuable detail concern- 
ing the practical arrangements for investigating the merits 
of tests and for putting satisfactory ones into operation. 
It will be read with interest and profit by students of 
psychology and of business and industrial efficiency. 

Edward L. Thorndike. 

teachers* College^ Columbia University, 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 
PART I— PSYCHOLOGICAL TESTS 

PAGE 

Foreword 3 

L Employment Psychology 5 

IL A First Experiment 22 

IIL Applying the Results 39 

IV. Selecting Girls as Assemblers 53 

V. The Portable Laboratory 62 

VI. Testing Men Assemblers 69 

VII. Clerks ^^ 

VIII. Stenographers, Typists, and Comptometrists 88 

IX. Testing to Specification 103 

X. Machine Operators . 112 

XI. Apprentice Toolmakers 123 

XII. General Intelligence, A Dialogue 130 

XIII. Language and Literacy Tests 140 

XIV. The Technique of Giving Tests 154 

XV. The Vocational Value of Tests 171 

XVI. The Scope of Psychological Tests 188 

With Special Reference to the Selection of 
Higher Executives. 

XVII. The Scope of Psychological Tests (cont'd) 195 

PART II— TRADE TESTS AND OTHER APPLICATIONS 
OF EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

Foreword 213 

XVIII. How to Ask Questions, the Question Trade Tests . . 215 

XIX. The Observational Method 231 

XX. Job Analysis 251 

XXI. Selection and Training, the Vestibule School 270 

xi 



Xll TABLE OF CONTENTS 

PART III— SELECTION AND RETENTION 

PAGE 

Foreword 293 

XXII. The Measure of Comparative Productiveness .... 297 

XXIII. Measuring by Limited Impressions 320 

PART IV— CONCLUSIONS 

Foreword 339 

XXIV. A Practical Combination of Employment Methods 340 
XXV. The AppHcant's Point of View 361 

XXVI. Employment Psychology, Labor and Industry 376-391 
Appendix 393-435 



PARTI 
PSYCHOLOGICAL TESTS 



PART I 
PSYCHOLOGICAL TESTS 

The practical possibilities of psychological tests are now 
generally conceded^ both by the professional psychologist 
and the industrial layman. Thus far, however, the 
applications of these tests to industry, particularly in 
respect to employment, have been fragmentary and in- 
tangible. Before industrial leaders will commit them- 
selves to any definite psychological program they de- 
mand a concrete account of the tangible results arising 
from a thorough and comprehensive application of psy- 
chological tests to typical industrial problems. 

Part I is devoted largely to such an account. It de- 
scribes the results obtained from the application of psy- 
chological tests to employment problems under typical 
industrial conditions. Moreover, it describes the method 
by which these results were obtained. Results in them- 
selves are of little value unless they are secured by 
a method which will produce similar results when applied 
elsewhere. For that reason special pains are taken to 
make clear the steps by which the results were reached. 
The psychologist not familiar with shop and office con- 
ditions will find these steps very valuable when he at- 
tempts to make his own applications to industrial prob- 
lems. The industrial layman who is not familiar with 
the exact methods of psychology will find them a prac- 
tical guide in estimating the value of attempts made to 
install psychological methods in his special domain. 

3 



4 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

The immediate future is likely to see a very extensive 
application of tests to industry, and the methods by which 
this extension will be made is therefore of utmost im- 
portance to all those interested in the problems of em- 
ployment. 



EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY DEFINED 

Few words in the English language have been more 
frequently used and more often misused during the past 
few years than the word psychology. The term psychology 
is on almost every tongue and page. It is impossible to 
talk or read for more than a few minutes before running into 
a reference to the "psychology of this" or the "psychol- 
ogy of that". No problem to-day but has its psychological 
solution, at least in the minds of psychology's ambitious 
friends. A new soprano electrifies her audience with the 
beautiful art of her song; the musical critic on the follow- 
ing morning attributes her success to the psychic quality 
of her voice. The speaker of the evening wishes to ex- 
plain a social phenomenon which to most people, including 
himself, is an unfathomable mystery; he succeeds very 
nicely with an allusion to the psychology of the mob. An 
enterprising newspaper wishes to solve one of the most 
vexed questions of the day, the question of prohibition; 
it calls upon psychologists to discuss what it is pleased 
to term: "Alcohol — a soul hunger". A well-known poet- 
ess writes a doggerel on "achievement" and calls it 
"The Psychology of Action". The nature of the problem 
matters little. Be it financial, political, military, or social, 
when all other explanations have failed, the psychological 
solution is the final and hopeful appeal. 

Professional psychologists should feel complimented 
at this wholesale advertising, this widespread confidence 

5 



EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 



In their profession. No doubt they do. However, many 
a psychologist to-day, while standing in complacent sat- 
isfaction at the greatness of his medium, can not help 
wondering what all the fuss is about. And not a few 
must feel like the fisherman of the Arabian Nights tale 
when he uncorked the flask and let out the genii. They 
must be wishing the thing had not escaped them quite 
so fast. This illustration, however, is a misleading one. 
According to the story, the genii of the flask was an 
accommodating spirit who did anything which his master 
required. But psychology will not do everything which 
the psychologist could require of it. Far from it. Only 
those who know least about psychology can make it 
solve every problem and perplexity. As a consequence, 
professional psychologists are put in an embarrassing 
position in the eyes of the world. In the face of a pre- 
vailing impression that the powers of psychology are un- 
limited, the psychologist knows full well that his science, 
like every other science, can do some things particularly 
well but can by no stretch of the imagination accomplish 
everything. 

How psychology came to be regarded as the panacea 
for all ills is difficult to explain. We may attribute it to 
the great American virtue of advertising, or to that other 
well-known trait, credulity. If Barnum were living to-day, 
he would undoubtedly have a side show of psychological 
wonders. However, it has been characteristic of people 
from times past to put all their eggs into one basket. 
Five thousand years ago, astrology was the cult which 
could solve all human ills. The astrologer was succeeded 
by the philosopher, and for many centuries more, philos- 
ophy was regarded as the touchstone of the sciences, and 
the philosopher as the wisest of the wise. To take things 



EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY DEFINED 7 

philosophically was to solve all the problems of life. The 
mathematician and physicist also had their day. Archi- 
medes could have pried the globe out of its orbit if he had 
had the necessary fulcrum. Medicine was a universal 
remedy for all maladies of the flesh and spirit long before 
it had passed the blood-letting stage. All of these pan- 
aceas, however, survived their initial greatness, and to-day 
are contributing their modest bit to the collective progress 
of the race. 

Psychology, too, when the furor of its debut is over — 
if one may speak of it in such frivolous terms — will settle 
down into a less dazzling, but certainly more constructive, 
existence. It is difficult to predict how soon this will be. 
It is safe to predict that many fingers will be burned be- 
fore it does happen. However, psychology will assume 
its distinct place among the applied sciences. It will also 
develop that professional caste and dignity which give 
to medicine and all other well-established professions their 
standing in the eyes of the world. 

But what is psychology? Having made the broad 
statement which most people will readily admit, that few 
of those who talk so glibly about psychology have an 
adequate conception of what it is — we must now answer 
the question: What is it? 

Psychology may perhaps be more clearly defined if it 
is compared with a similar science, for example, the science 
of medicine. The general nature of medicine is reason- 
ably well understood, and there are no great illusions as 
to its powers. Nevertheless, medicine has passed through 
the same stage of nebulosity through which psychology 
is passing to-day. A thousand years ago, medicine was 
an art with almost unlimited powers. There was no ill 
of flesh or spirit for which the ancient healer did not 



EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 



possess some infallible formula, some unfailing ritual. 
Among the American Indians, the medicine man was a 
powerful physician who, by dancing wildly and beating 
loudly on a drum, was able to frighten off the evil spirit 
which had taken a temporary abode in the patient's 
vitals. At a later day, and not altogether beyond our 
own memory, medicine consisted largely of home remedies. 
Sage tea, bitters, avoidance of the night air, a rabbit's 
foot — these and many other cures and preventives are 
within the memory of the present generation. 

Although some of these primitive home remedies oc- 
casionally proved useful they were, in general, a de- 
cided failure. Their failure was due to the fact that their 
use did not rest upon a scientific knowledge of the human 
anatomy and of the exact effects upon the body of certain 
drugs and expedients. The physician of that day knew 
little about the mechanism of circulation, respiration, 
and digestion. His cures were due more or less to shrewd 
guesses. To-day the guessing method has been largely 
if not entirely displaced, and a scientific method has taken 
its place. A physician to-day would not think of examining 
a man without registering his exact temperature, using 
a stethoscope on his heart and lungs, taking his blood- 
pressure, counting his pulse, making a urinalysis, etc. 
All of these measures are tests, and it is by means of these 
accurate tests that the physician is enabled to pronounce 
a reliable verdict on a man's bodily condition. Medicine 
is still far from being a perfect science, but it is at least 
so far perfect that its general superiority over the older 
methods is universally conceded. 

Psychology, like medicine, has had its evolution. The 
early Greeks thought the mind a fine essence or a very 
subtle gas, which animated the body with its presence. 



EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY DEFINED 9 

At death, this spirit left the body at its last breath, and 
departed into some other region. This belief, in a more 
or less refined form, constituted the heart of psychology 
as far down as the present decade. Within the memory 
of most people are the famous experiments conducted by 
many prominent physicians, in which bodies were weighed 
on the most delicate scales just before and just after death 
in order to discover if the departure of the soul was accom- 
panied by any falling off in weight. At the present time, 
psychology is in what we have called the stage of home 
remedies. People are believing all manner of queer things 
and following all kinds of strange advice because they are 
labelled psychology. Hypnotism and the ability of the 
psychologist to make people do impossible stunts are 
still considered a psychological sine qua non. Indeed, 
it is most common for people to ask whether it is possible 
for a psychologist to read minds, and they are usually 
disappointed at a negative answer. The writer once 
made a deep impression on a group of hard-headed busi- 
ness men to whom he was being introduced as a psychol- 
ogist. During the introduction he remarked to one of 
the men: "You are a Cornell man, are you not?** This 
happened to be the case and all the men marvelled at the 
uncanny insight of this psychologist, when, as a matter 
of fact, his question was nothing more than a lucky guess. 
Instances of this kind, and the frequent misuses of the 
word psychology which have been pointed out before, 
are evidence of the nebulous idea which psychology sug- 
gests to the majority of those who use the word. 

However, within the last fifty years, in secluded and little 
known laboratories, psychology has been developing very 
rapidly into a genuine science. The workings of the mind 
have been subject to a scrutiny as minute and thorough 



lO EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

as that which the body receives at the hands of physi- 
cians. To be sure^ it is impossible to dissect the mind as 
the body can be dissected, and yet, in a way, it is quite 
possible; for to the psychologist, the mind is first of all 
the nervous system and the activities which it controls. 
In order to understand the mind, the psychologist must 
thoroughly understand that most intricate of all mech- 
anisms, the nervous system. And in order to understand 
the workings of this mechanism, it is necessary to study 
not only its structure but its activities as well. The ac- 
tions of people are the best clue to the nature of their 
nervous system, or their mental make-up. However, 
the study of these actions must be of a special nature. 
Not every study of the mind can be called psychology. 
The novelist, writing a so-called "psychological novel'*, 
may make a very extensive and subtle study of the ac- 
tions and thoughts of the characters which he is portray- 
ing; but such a study would not be considered psychology 
by a psychologist, any more than the autobiography of 
an invalid would be considered a treatise on medicine 
by a physician. The psychological study of the mind 
applies to human actions the same scientific methods 
which physics applies to the study of matter, medicine to 
the study of the body, or chemistry to the analysis of 
compounds. The true psychology, and the core of facts 
around which the many nebulous ideas of psychology 
current to-day are clustered, is this exact psychology, this 
psychology of scientific methods. 

What are the applications of this science to the prob- 
lems of employment.^ Before answering this question it 
will be wise to consider briefly what we mean by the 
scientific method; for, if any word is more constantly 
used and misused than psychology^ that word is science. 



EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY DEFINED II 

Every propagandist for a new scheme to solve the prob- 
lems of mankind labels it "The Science" of something or 
other. Since the value of the scientific method is undis- 
puted, the addition of the word scientific to any scheme 
whatsoever immediately raises a presumption in its favor 
in the eyes of the credulous consumer. Science, like 
psychology, is a word in whose name many sins are 
committed. 

The word science comes from the Latin word scire^ to 
know; but this fact tells us nothing about the meaning of 
science; a man may know the entire " Encyclopaedia Britan- 
nica " and yet not be a scientist. Science means more than 
knowledge, however extensive. It means more, even, 
than accurate knowledge; for an accountant may know 
every figure and item in his accounts and yet not be a 
scientist. A scientist is one who can formulate and apply 
standardized knowledge in a given field. And the scientific 
method is a method by which knowledge is standardized 
and refined far beyond the ordinary powers of the human 
mind. But what do we mean by standardized knowledge ? 
Is this not carrying even science a bit too far, some one 
will probably ask? Not at all. An inch is an example 
of standardized knowledge. How many people could 
agree on the size of an inch without the use of a rule.^ 
In the Bureau of Standards at Washington lies the orig- 
inal rule, a metal bar which is used as the standard for 
every other inch. But this is only a first step in science. 
What should we say to the tool and gauge maker who 
measured his work with a foot rule? For his purposes 
science has devised the micrometer which can measure 
distances as small as .0001 of an inch and less. The gauge 
maker is a master of standardized or scientific knowledge 
in his field. If he were to send the drawings and spec- 



12 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

ifications of his work to another gauge maker on the other 
side of the continent, that gauge maker could turn out 
an exactly similar piece of work. Moreover, he could 
prove, by means of his instruments, that the work was 
identical. The chemist does not make up his compounds 
after a cook-book formula, so many cups of this and so 
many spoonfuls of that. He weighs his materials on the 
finest of scales which tell him to a thousandth of a gram 
what amount he has. The cook-book method is the em- 
pirical or home remedies method and many excellent re- 
sults this method has produced; but no two cooks can ob- 
tain the same result from the same recipe. The scientist 
can, because his method is standardized and minute, and 
enables him to speak in terms that always mean the same 
thing. This statement holds true in any field of facts 
to which the scientific method has been applied. Another 
excellent example is the weather report. The weather 
man is still the subject of frequent jibes. It is a common 
practice to look at the weather report and then believe 
the contrary. But how many people are willing to have 
the weather man replaced by the good old-fashioned goose- 
bone prophet? And how many would stake their own 
empirical judgment against the scientific inductions of 
the weather man ? Meteorology is the result of applying 
the scientific method to the study of atmospheric condi- 
tions, that is, substituting for the crude and unaided 
human faculties such scientific tests as thermometers, 
barometers, rain-fall gauges, and other quantitative tests. 
Consequently, weather men all over the country, in making 
up their weather reports, can describe atmospheric condi- 
tions to each other in standard and unambiguous terms. 
There is no Yankee or southern dialect in the science of 
meteorology. 



EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY DEFINED IJ 

The same can be said of any field of facts to which the 
scientific method has been applied, whether it be astron- 
omy, physics, biology, meteorology, chemistr]^ math- 
ematics, acoustics, or hydrostatics. In every case, science 
consists of the application of an exact and refined method 
to the study of the facts, with the result that we have 
knowledge which has two chief characteristics: first, it is 
relatively free from the inaccuracies and prejudices of the 
unaided human faculties; secondly, it is standard knowl- 
edge; that is, knowledge which can be transmitted in 
unambiguous and indisputable form from one person to 
another, or from one time to another. 

It is worth while clearing up some of the ambiguities 
and misunderstandings which cling to the words science 
and psychology, because by doing so the definition of 
our own subject, employment psychology, is made more 
easy. Psychology has been defined as the application of 
the scientific method to the actions of the mind in general. 
Employment psychology, therefore, may be defined as 
tlTe"application of the scientific method to the mental 
actions concerned in employment. 

The application of science to the problem of employ- 
ment is just beginning to receive serious attention. The 
old-fashioned method, and the method which is still com- 
monly in use, is the method of "hire and fire". That is 
to say, there is no particular method. Every employer 
uses his own method, and each one obtains various re- 
sults. In general, the practice is to receive a number 
of applicants, look them over, ask them a series of general 
questions, and then hire those that "look good '*. Many 
amusing strictures on this crude method have been writ- 
ten. A quotation from one of these will suffice to typify 
the rest: "One large manufacturing establishment has 



I4 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

appointed as monarch of the 'hiring-on window' a man 
who had the misfortune to lose a leg in the company's 
employ. As a consequence of this loss, he was given his 
present life job which he performs to the queen's taste. 
He was induced to describe his methods and they were 
something as follows: 'On Mondays I turns down all 
the men with white collars, on Tuesdays all with blue 
eyes, Wednesday all with dark eyes. Red-headed men 
I never hires, and there do be days when I has a grouch 
and hires every tenth man.'" This exaggeration serves 
at least to bring out into sharp relief the weakness of the 
old and present method of employing. This weakness, 
in brief, is due to the absolute reliance upon the particular 
ability and experience of the individual or individuals 
who happen to be doing the hiring. This method, like 
the method of borne remedies in other fields, is not with- 
out its virtues. There are undoubtedly people who have 
an almost uncanny ability to select the right applicant 
for the right place. However, the most experienced em- 
ployment manager will admit that its shortcomings more 
than outweigh its virtues. These shortcomings are the 
shortcomings of every unscientific or home remedy method, 
namely, the lack of accurate standards or measurements 
and the failure to provide a safeguard against the thou- 
sand and one prejudices to which the human flesh is 
liable and by which personal judgments are so frequently 
vitiated. 

A few general instances will serve to bring out these 
weaknesses more distinctly. In a large employment of- 
fice there are usually three or four or more men and women 
taking applications and interviewing applicants. Each 
of these interviewers has probably had a different kind 
of experience and training, and each may have different 



EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY DEFINED I5 

Ideas on the best way in which to hire applicants. There- 
fore, even though there is some understanding between 
them regarding the general character of the applicants 
they wish to hire, their methods of selection are not stand- 
ard, and their results are bound to be different. For in- 
stance, it is quite within the realm of probability that 
each of two interviewers should interview in turn and un- 
known to each other the same applicants, and that one 
interviewer should hire one-half of those interviewed 
while the other hired the other half. Even if a corps of 
interviewers should happen to work together harmo- 
niously, the fact that the personnel of the corps is subject 
to constant change will result in a corresponding change 
in its standards of employment. In one year, an entirely 
new staff of interviewers may come into office, with the 
consequence that the entire method of hiring is radically 
changed. 

But even in smaller places, where one person does all 
the hiring, there is no guarantee of uniformity. To begin 
with, there is the same likelihood that the person who does 
the hiring will be succeeded by another. But in addition 
to this source of variability, each man in himself pos- 
sesses a variety of moods and methods which make it im- 
possible for him to produce standard results. On some 
days the interviewer will be in a jovial and sympathetic 
mood, so that he will find it almost impossible to turn 
away even the most unsuitable applicant. On other days 
he ^ay be cross enough to turn away most desirable appli- 
cants. Moreover, every individual is subject to certain 
prejudices of religion, race, caste, etc., which affect his 
judgment. Unconsciously, these prejudices operate in the 
mental processes by which the interviewer selects from 
among the available candidates. If two applicants are 



l6 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

applying for the same position, and one seems consider- 
ably more desirable than the other, the interviewer may 
be just on the point of hiring this candidate when his eye 
is suddenly caught by the pin of a fraternity which he 
heartily dislikes. The sight of this pin may immediately 
cause him to shift his favorable opinion to the other and 
less desirable applicant. Anyone familiar with employ- 
ment conditions knows that the instances given above 
could be multiplied indefinitely. 

The casual methods prevalent not only in employment 
work but in the handling of workers throughout in- 
dustry in general is one of the anomalies of the age. 
For fifty years and more, the utmost attention has 
been paid to the development and refinement of the 
mechanical processes of manufacture. The division of 
labor has been carried to a point which would have been 
incredible a generation ago. But the division of laborers 
is almost as haphazard now as it was then. Now every 
large industry has its chemical and physical laboratory, 
in which it examines most minutely the quality of the ma- 
terials which it receives and fabricates. But the effort 
during all this time devoted to the improvement of 
methods for handling human material has been ridicu- 
lously cheap and inadequate. As a single and a very prac- 
tical instance of this easy-going policy, as applied to em- 
ployment problems, the following quotation from an 
address to a convention of California railroad men is 
given: "Would you, gentlemen, enter into a contract to 
buy material from a concern, the excellence of whose prod- 
uct you had grave reason to doubt. ^ Would you place 
orders to the extent of three and one-half million dollars 
a year, waive inspection of material, accept whatever was 
offered you, and make no effort to get your money's worth? 



EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY DEFINED I7 

You would not — not if you expected to hold your job. 
And yet, that is what you are doing with respect to the 
public education system of California. In 191 6 the rail- 
roads of this state paid in operative taxes ^7,151,583. 
Of this sum 51 per cent, or ^3,647,300, was used for pur- 
poses of public education. "The boys and girls sent you 
from the public schools you take into your service ^ sometimes 
after a perfunctory mental examination^ generally with none; 
in other words, you waive inspection^ and then complain 
of the character of the material after it has reached you 
and been paid for." 

What has psychology done to solve these problems 
and to introduce into the employment methods of to- 
day a more scientific procedure? The greatest single 
contribution of scientific psychology to the solution of 
this problem has been the application of mental tests. 
A mental test is a device, similar to a measuring instru- 
ment in any of the sciences, by which certain mental 
activities can be accurately measured. The use of mental 
tests is not absolutely new or unfamiliar. All formal 
examinations may be regarded as coming under the gen- 
eral category of mental tests. A written examination 
which is absolutely alike for all those taking it, and for 
which every person is allowed exactly the same amount of 
time, is a good example of tests in general. Such tests 
have been used quite commonly in schools, as require- 
ments for entrance into college, and for similar purposes. 
The civil-service system is a good example, outside of the 
field of psychology, of the development of standard men- 
tal tests. The civil-service tests are standardized for all 
parts of the country and are given under conditions that 
approach uniformity. This is what gives them their 
value. It is evident, therefore, that the use of psycholog- 



1 8 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

ical tests is quite in accord with the dictates of common 
sense and good practice. However, while similar in prin- 
ciple, psychological tests differ from the general tests 
just mentioned in being far more refined and accurate. 
They are developed by a method based on very careful 
experiments and the use of accurate statistical formulae. 
The details of this method as applied to employment are 
explained in subsequent chapters. 

This method is gradually making it possible to obtain 
standard measures of the mental qualities, measures 
which are infinitely more accurate than those used in the 
past. By means of these measures or tests, it is becoming 
possible to set up standard specifications for the kinds 
of applicants who are desired for a given position, and to 
fill these specifications exactly as the tool maker would 
fill the specifications for a tool which he is to make. Not 
only will it be possible to apply these standards in the 
particular office or location where they have been origi- 
nated, but it will be possible to apply them in all places. 
The psychological tests devised for use in the army, for 
instance, were distributed throughout every camp in the 
country, and as a result, the classification of all privates, 
commissioned and non-commissioned officers, was based 
largely upon standard measures. 

The distinguishing feature of employment psychology, 
that which differentiates it from applied psychology in 
general, is its field of activity. Heretofore mental tests 
have been devised largely in the university laboratory 
and have been tried out for the most part on students and 
pupils in educational institutions. Employment psychol- 
ogy, however, works directly in the field of employment, 
not employment as represented merely by the activities 
of the employment office, but employment in the sense 



EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY DEFINED I9 

of the work as It is actually being done. Its laboratory 
is the shop and the office. The conditions under which 
it conducts its experiments are the actual conditions and 
not the highly artificial and theoretical conditions entailed 
by the stereotyped psychological laboratory. The employ- 
ment psychologist must find and apply mental tests to 
employees on the basis of a study of the work which they 
are doing. In fact, he must become an employee himself, 
in order that he may understand the kind of mental action 
for which he is trying to find tests or measures. Only the 
most temerarious psychologist would attempt to devise 
or apply tests to employees whose work he understood in 
only a superficial fashion. 

There is a very decided tendency to-day to make a wide- 
spread and wholesale use of tests for employment purposes. 
Newspapers and periodicals have given much space to the 
description of tests and have made many sensational and 
extravagant claims for their usefulness. There is great 
danger in a sudden and extensive application of tests. 
Indeed, ridicule has already been provoked by their indis- 
criminate use; for anyone with a little Ingenuity, whether 
he be a psychologist or not, can take a ready-made psy- 
chological test and apply it, after a fashion. But, having 
applied it, the chief difficulty remains, namely, how shall 
it be interpreted? What does it mean? No test has any 
significance for employment purposes until it has been 
tried out (by the scientific process to be described later) 
on employees doing exactly the same kind of work as 
that for which new applicants are to be tested later on. 
If, for Instance, an employment manager receives a set 
of trade tests or clerical tests for use in connectiofi with 
the selection of workers, he can not use those tests effec- 
tually until a trained psychologist has tried them out on 



20 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

the particular work in question. Even though tests have 
been devised and carefully applied elsewhere by a first- 
rate psychologist, it does not follow that they will apply 
equally well in the new situation. For instance, trade 
tests and intelligence tests were of great value in classify- 
ing the army. However, before these tests can be applied 
to a particular industry, they must be carefully and scien- 
tifically tried out on the work of that industry and modified 
to meet its specific demands. This is a task which re- 
quires not only a psychologist who is technically equipped, 
but one who is ready to make a thorough study of the 
work of the particular industry in question. 

There are thousands of valuable tests in existence to-day. 
The chief problem of employment psychology is to deter- 
mine the value of particular tests when applied to partic- 
ular tasks. The first step of every employment psycholo- 
gist in each new field is to test tests rather than applicants. 
The progressive employment manager is facilitating the 
work of the employment psychologist by enabling the 
latter to enter directly into the shop and the office, there 
to study and work and to try out tests for future ilse. 
To give a concrete example, a large footwear industry 
of national importance has recently engaged a staff of 
six trained psychologists who are now engaged in a first- 
hand study of the various operations of the industry. 
As they become familiar with the various kinds of work 
they will devise tests or select tests from those available 
and try them out. If these tests prove significant, they 
will then be used for employing new applicants. This 
method of approach, from within out, is the road by which 
employment psychology and the employment psycholo- 
gist must proceed, to be genuinely practical. 

It should not be thought, however, that employment 



EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY DEFINED 21 

psychology or the field of employment is limited to the 
mere act of hiring or rejecting applicants. This notion 
of employment work is rapidly becoming obsolete. To- 
day, the training of new employees, keeping accurate 
records of their activities, transferring them when ad- 
visable, devising methods of promotion, are all phases 
of the employment problem. The first half of this book 
deals particularly with the application of psychology to 
the selection of employees; the latter half deals with its 
application to these other important phases. 



II 

A FIRST EXPERIMENT 

The general purpose of this experiment was to discover 
a set of mental tests which could be used by the employ- 
ment office in selecting applicants for certain kinds of 
work. Just where and how, specifically, this was to be 
done was a somewhat hazy problem at the outset. Hith- 
erto, the work of the experimenter had been confined to 
the orthodox experiments of the psychological laboratory. 
Factory conditions and factory problems were therefore 
novel to him, no more, however, than his purposes and 
methods were to the factory. In the midst of this some- 
what hazy and intricate problem, four distinct conditions 
were discernible. First, in finding the proposed set of 
tests, it was primarily necessary to go out among the 
shops and make a general survey of the types of work 
for which applicants were being chosen. Secondly, it was 
necessary to make an intensive study of one or two op- 
erations at the start, rather than an extensive study of 
a large variety of operations. Thirdly, a large number 
of workers all engaged in the same work in order to 
make as wide a series of observations as possible (ob- 
viously, the tests tried on a hundred workers of the 
same kind would give more conclusive results than those 
tried on only ten or twenty). Fourthly, it was advisable 
to try out these tests where the work was simplest 
and most automatic, on the assumption that the more 
standardized the work the more easy it would be to dis- 
cover a standard set of tests. 

22 



A FIRST EXPERIMENT 2^ 

Following these conditions, therefore, the experimenter 
was first of all conducted on extensive tours through the 
various shops, and the various types of work were ex- 
plained to him. After six or seven trips of this kind, two 
types of work, conducted side by side in the same room, 
were settled on as the most fruitful field for the experi- 
ment. The work chosen was that of inspecting shells 
before they had been loaded, and gauging them for head- 
thickness. This work was being done in two long, well- 
lighted rooms, by about 330 girls, two-thirds of whom 
were engaged in inspection and one-third in gauging. This 
large number of girls offered the opportunity of conduct- 
ing a sufficiently extensive series of observations, thus 
meeting the third condition stated above. Most of the 
girls, at the time, were inspecting the same kind of shells, 
and this fulfilled the fourth condition; namely, a highly 
standardized type of work. A further advantage offered 
by this type of work, and one that was absolutely essential 
to the success of the experiment, was the fact that it 
offered a basis for comparing the activity of the various 
workers. For instance, it was possible, at the end of each 
day, to find out exactly how many pounds of shells each 
girl had inspected or gauged during the day as well as to 
find out how many good shells she had thrown out as 
"scrap". 

The above might be called the preliminary steps of the 
experiment. We now come to the details of the experi- 
ment itself. 

The general purpose of the experiment was, as has been 
stated, to discover a set of tests which would guide the 
employment office in selecting new candidates. The more 
specific purpose, at this stage in the experiment, was to 
discover a set of tests in which the performance of the 



24 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

girls would correspond with their daily production or 
output of shells. If it could be demonstrated that the best 
workers did best in certain tests, and that the poorest 
workers did the poorest work in these tests, then it would 
be reasonable to assume, subject to further proof or dis- 
proof, that these tests gave a reliable indication of the 
workers' ability at inspection. And it would further be 
reasonable to assume that these tests, given to applicants 
whose ability as inspectors was an unknown quantity, 
would enable the employment office to select those who 
had certain qualities necessary for success at this work. 
Only those applicants who showed a certain degree of 
skill in these tests would be selected for the type of work 
on which these tests had been found significant. This, in 
brief, is the method of trying out tests, the details of which 
will become clear in the course of the experiment. 

After the type of work for this experiment had been 
decided upon, the next step was to make a careful and in- 
tensive study of the qualifications involved in doing that 
work. The work of inspecting shells was done at a table 
like an upturned shallow box. Upon this hollow table 
was dumped a large box of brass shells, not yet loaded, 
and all of exactly the same kind. The work of each girl 
was to inspect these shells and throw out those that were 
defective. In doing this, a girl would first gather up a 
large handful of shells, as many as could be piled in one 
hand, being careful to have all of them pointing in the 
same direction. Then she would put both hands around 
the shells and turn them all up so as to expose their in- 
sides. She would then look down into every shell for 
dents, scratches, stains, and other very minute defects. 
When any such defect was discovered, the shell was skill- 
fully extracted from the pile and thrown into one of three 



A FIRST EXPERIMENT 25 

or four appropriate scrap boxes. The entire handful was 
then turned over, and the head of every shell examined for 
various defects. The shells were then held in a horizontal 
position on the left hand, and allowed to roll from the pile 
into the right hand. Each shell, in the process of rolling 
from one hand into the other, exposed its lateral surface 
and was closely scrutinized for scratches, oil dents, stains, 
and other defects. The good ones were taken in the right 
hand and dropped into a pocket at the right side of the 
table, through which they fell into a box below. 

An analysis of this operation showed that it required the 
following qualifications: 

1. Good eyesight. The defects to be detected were 
often so minute as to be indistinguishable to any but the 
best of eyes. It took the experimenter almost a minute 
to see one of the most common defects which these girls 
were required to notice in an instant. Any weakness 
of the eyes or marked difference between the two would 
be likely to show bad results in the inspection. 

2. Keen visual discrimination. Good eyesight is not 
sufficient. The inspector, looking at a whole handful of 
shells, must, with a few glances, be able to recognize those 
which are defective and remain oblivious to those which 
are not. 

3. Quick reaction; that is, the ability to extract, as 
quickly as seen, the defective shell and toss it into the 
appropriate box. 

4. Accuracy of movement, required in picking out the 
right shell from the closely held handful. This requires a 
very peculiar kind of deftness, and, in order to facilitate it, 
many of the girls allow their finger nails to grow to an 
unusually long and sharp point. 

5. Steadiness of attention. The least wavering of the 



26 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

eyes or letting up of the attention is likely to allow some 
bad shells to slip by or to lengthen the operation. 

This analysis having been made, the next step was 
to find tests which would be likely to detect the presence 
of these qualities. Sixteen different tests were chosen 
and prepared for preliminary trials. It is not possible 
or necessary to go into detail on all these tests at this 
point. However, each test was tried out on a large enough 
number of girls to give a good indication as to whether 
it was likely to prove significant. A good deal of time 
was required for this part of the experiment, but eventu- 
ally a set of eight tests was selected for the body of the 
experiment. These eight tests will be described later; but 
before describing them, one or two preliminary prob- 
lems will be of interest. 

An important question to be settled was the question 
as to just how these tests should be given. The rooms in 
which the girls were at work were very noisy, due to con- 
stantly running machines and the handling of thousands 
of brass shells. Should the girls be tested in this noisy 
atmosphere or should they be taken off to some quiet 
place, free from any possible disturbance? In the end it 
was decided to give the tests in the workroom, on the 
supposition that if the subjects were left in their regular 
environment, they would be more likely to show character- 
istic results in their performance in the tests. A girl 
suddenly taken out of a noisy shop to which she had be- 
come accustomed and into a soundless room might feel 
just as strange as a girl taken from a quiet place into a 
very noisy one. A small room was screened off on one 
side, and this served as a place in which thetests could be 
given with comparative freedom from intrusion. 

Some difliculty had been anticipated in putting the 



A FIRST EXPERIMENT 27 

tests into operation, both on the part of the girls to be 
tested and because of the confusion that might be in- 
troduced into the running of the shop. It was feared that 
the girls might resent the experiment as an infringement 
upon their personal liberties. However, through perfect 
frankness in explaining to the girls the exact purpose of 
the tests, and through the help of the foreman and in- 
structors in removing the air of mystery and suspicion 
which naturally would surround such an experiment, and 
through the use of a "matter-of-fact'* procedure which 
took each girl's acquiescence for granted, but still refrained 
from the slightest indication of compulsion, it was possible 
to carry out the entire series of tests without a single un- 
pleasant occurrence. At the outset, an instructor took 
the girl to be tested from her work and brought her into 
the room and remained there while the tests were being 
given; but after a short time, even this precaution was 
unnecessary. The experimenter became a fixture in the 
shop and could, without the least embarrassment to the 
girl, bring her into the experimental room for the tests. 
Thus, a great deal of time and trouble was spared to the 
foreman and his assistants. 

The eight tests chosen for the body of the experiment 
were as follows: 

1. A simple eyesight test with the use of the Lowell 
chart. 

2. A card sorting test. The subject was given a pack 
of 49 cards, upon the face of each one of which from 7 to 12 
letters were distributed promiscuously. Twenty of the 
cards contained the letter "O" and the rest did not. The 
subject was asked to sort these cards into two piles, those 
which had "O" on them and those which did not. The 
time required for this performance was taken and the 



28 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

number of errors recorded. The object of this test was 
to bring out the subject's ability to pick out the essential 
element from a more or less heterogeneous collection of 
elements, and also, in some measure, to bring out the 
deftness of the subject in handling the cards. These cards 
were so marked and numbered on their reverse side that, 
after every test, it was possible for the experimenter to 
sort them back into their original order and to observe 
the number of mistakes that had been made. In this 
way it was made possible for every subject to perform this 
test in exactly the same manner. 

3. The Woodworth-Wells cancellation test (see Appen- 
dix, test number 6). The subject was requested to cross 
out, with a pencil, every "7". 

4. The Woodworth-Wells "Easy Directions" test. 

5. The Woodworth-Wells number checking test, in 
which the subject was asked to place a check opposite 
every group which contained both a "7" and a "i" (see 
Appendix, test number 8). 

6. A modification of the tapping test, in which the sub- 
ject was requested to push down, as rapidly as possible, 
a telegraph key to which was attached a Veeder counter. 
The number of recorded thrusts over a period of one min- 
ute constituted the record for that performance. 

7. A modification of the Whipple accuracy test. This 
consisted of a brass plate with nine round holes graduated 
in size from V2 inch to ^/g inch in diameter. The subject 
was asked to take a brass-pointed pencil and insert it into 
each hole, beginning with the largest and continuing 
through the smaller ones, until the pointer touched the 
brass side of one of them. The brass-pointed pencil was 
wired in circuit with the brass plate containing the holes 
so that, whenever the brass point touched the side of the 



A FIRST EXPERIMENT 2g 

hole or any part of the brass plate, an electric contact 
was made which produced a click in a telephone receiver 
which the subject held to her ear. At the start of the 
test, the subject was instructed to put the brass pencil 
into each hole in succession until she heard a click in her 
ear, when she was to start all over again. The speed of 
the subject*s movements was controlled by a metronome 
set so as to allow thirty trials per minute. The experi- 
menter also had a telephone receiver to enable him to 
follow the subject's performance. The holes were num- 
bered I, 2, 3, etc., to 9. As soon as the subject failed to 
put the pointer squarely into a hole but touched the brass 
plate and produced a click, the experimenter recorded 
the number of the hole at which she had failed. This 
constituted one trial. Each girl was allowed fifteen such 
trials, and the numbers of the last ten were taken and 
averaged, the first five serving as preliminary practice. 
For instance, if a girl, in her first trial, reached the fourth 
hole and missed on the fifth, the number five was recorded; 
if she missed on the sixth, six was recorded, etc., until 
fifteen numbers had been taken. Then, the sum of the 
last ten trials divided by ten gave the average performance 
for the subject. The larger the average, the better the 
performance. This test occupied from two to three min- 
utes. 

8. A modification of the Whipple steadiness test. This 
consisted of two brass bars, about 12 inches long, set 
so as to form a long, horizontal V. The subject was asked 
to take the brass pointer and pass it along between these 
two bars. The farther she went, the narrower became the 
space between the brass bars. As soon as the brass pointer 
touched one of the bars it produced a click in the tele- 
phone receiver. The point at which this brass pointer 



30 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

touched was then read on a scale under the lower bar. 
Each subject was given fifteen trials and the last ten were 
averaged and constituted the subject's record for this 
test. 

These eight tests were given to seventy-three girls. 
Fifty-two were inspectors, and twenty-one were gaugers. 
The work of gauging will be described later. It was im- 
possible to test a larger number of girls because the ex- 
periment came at a time when the work of shell inspection 
was rapidly slowing up and a majority of the girls were 
being laid off or transferred to other jobs. After the tests 
had been given came the process of computing the results. 
In figuring up these results, the very first step was to 
obtain the ranking of the girls as shown by their daily 
work. Without such a ranking of the comparative abil- 
ities of the inspectors, it would be impossible to discover 
whether those who had done well in the tests were good 
workers and the reverse. The experimenter had, while 
conducting the tests, also kept a record of the number of 
pounds of shells inspected by each girl on the day that 
she was tested. However, this record was not deemed 
extensive enough to afford a reliable criterion of a girFs 
ability. To be sure, if a girl's work on the day that she 
was taking the tests was unusually high, that fact might 
show up in an unusually good performance in the tests, 
and thus serve to maintain the correspondence between 
the two. However, the object of the tests was such as to 
make an immediate correspondence a distinctly minor 
feature. It was rather to discover whether any corre- 
spondence existed between the performance in certain 
tests given for the first time and occupying only a few 
minutes and the work of a girl over an extended period 
of weeks and even months. Unless such a correspondence 



A FIRST EXPERIMENT 3I 

could be shown, the tests would be of little worth to the 
employment office. Therefore, it was decided to take as 
the basis of each girl *s standing, an average of her work 
for four weeks. These averages were obtained by making 
a detailed statement, drawn from the separate daily pro- 
duction slips of each girl, showing the number of pounds 
done for every day in the week, together with the exact 
number of hours taken to do them. The total number of 
pounds inspected by a girl, divided by the total number of 
hours worked, gave the average number of pounds per 
hour for the particular girl and became the basis for her 
ranking. In making out these statements, all work other 
than that on a single kind of shell was discarded. This 
was done for the sake of uniformity, it being manifestly 
unfair to judge the relative speed of different girls on a 
basis of pounds when one girl was inspecting large shells 
which went very quickly while another was inspecting 
small shells which went very slowly. 

After the average hourly production of each girl for a 
period of four weeks had been determined, the results were 
compared with the performance of each girl in each of the 
tests. This was done to obtain the degree of correspond- 
ence or the correlation^ as it is technically called, between 
the tests and the actual production. Now the method 
by which the correlation between the performance of the 
girls in the tests and their rate of production was deter- 
mined was not by guesswork or by rough observation, but 
by an exact statistical process. This process is very simple 
and can easily be described. Let us suppose that girls 
A, B, C, D, E" F, G, H, I, and J are ten girls who have 
been tested (see table on page 32). After the tests have 
been given, it is necessary to rank them in the order of 
their ability; that is, the girl who turns out the most work 



32 



EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 



Table of Ranks and Resulting Correlations 



Name of 
Girl 
A. 
B. 
C. 
D 
E. 
F. 
G. 
H. 
I.. 
J.. 



Rank in 
Production 



Correlations. 



I . 

2. 

3- 
4- 
5- 
6. 

7- 
8. 

9- 

TO. 



Rank in 
First Test 
I. . . 



Rank in 
Second Test 



5 
3 

2 

4 
7 
9 
I 

lO 

6 



I .oo 



•19 

per hour is ranked as number one, the one who turns out 
next most as number two, and so on down the Hne to 
number ten. Every girl having been ranked on the basis 
of output from i-io, the next step is to take one of the 
tests in question and rank each of the ten girls in the same 
fashion according to her work in that test. We are now 
ready to compare the output of the girls with their rank 
in the test. For the sake of explanation, let us suppose 
that the first girl in production was first in the test; the 
second in production, second in the test; the third in 
production, third in the test, etc., right through the group, 
the tenth or lowest in output being tenth or lowest in the 
test. It is evident from this that we should have a perfect 
agreement or correlation between the performance of the 
girls in the test and their performance in their regular 
work. 

Now, let us suppose that, in another test, there was not 
such an agreement. Suppose that the girl who Was high- 



A FIRST EXPERIMENT 33 

est in the second test was eighth in production, and the 
girl who was second was fifth in production, etc. There 
may be a difference all along the line, showing that there 
was a lack of agreement or a low correlation between the 
performance of the girls in this test and their performance 
at their regular work. 

In every case, the degree of agreement or correlation 
between tests and production is determined, not by guess- 
work, but with mathematical exactness, by means of the 
method already described and certain simple formulae dis- 
cussed in the Appendix under the heading "Correlations ". 
It would be too cumbersome to go into further details on 
this subject here. Suffice it that the degree of correspond- 
ence between two sets of rankings, the ranks of a group 
of subjects in production and their ranks in a given test, 
can vary between plus i.oo and minus i.oo. Plus i.oo 
is a perfect correlation. Minus i.oo is an absolutely 
negative correlation. Plus .70 or .60 is considered good 
for shop and factory conditions. A test which, under 
factory conditions, shows a correlation with production 
of .40 or more is considered a valuable or a significant 
test. 

The method of computing the value of tests just de- 
scribed was applied carefully to each of the tests given in 
this experiment with the following results: 

Table of Correlations 

Card sorting 56 

Tapping 14 

Cancellation (>'if 

Easy directions 14 

Number group checking 72 

Accuracy 38 

Steadiness 24 



34 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

Because of the nature of the eye test, only individual 
correspondences could be shown. Some of these will be 
mentioned later. It was plainly evident, however, that 
an inspector needed two very good eyes in order to succeed 
at this work. 

From the above figures, it can be seen that three tests 
show a correlation which is really significant. Two of 
these show a correlation of over .60 which is very good, 
and one shows a correlation of .^6 which is also quite good. 

The significance of these correlations will be more ap- 
parent if we compare them with those brought out by 
another section of this experirrient. Besides giving the 
tests to girls engaged in visual inspection, the same tests 
were given to twenty-one girls engaged in gauging the 
head-thickness of shells. This work does not require the 
use of the eyes. The operator simply picks up a handful 
of shells and, with or without looking, tries the head of 
each shell on a gauge. The gauge is a piece of steel with 
two notches or openings. The shells which are too small 
pass through the first opening and fall into a box of re- 
jects below. Those that do not pass through are tried on 
the second opening and, if they pass through, they are of 
the right size. If they fail to pass through, they are too 
large and are thrown aside. The operator sits in front of 
her gauge which is rigidly fixed, and tries each shell at 
one opening and then at another, just as rapidly as she 
can move her hands up and down. It will readily be seen 
that this work requires qualities quite different from those 
required by the girls engaged in the work of inspecting. 
This difference was admirably brought out by the tests. 
The tests showed, in this instance, an entirely different 
set of correlations. The correlations found in both in- 
stances are given below. 



A FIRST EXPERIMENT 35 

Correlations 

Tests Inspectors Gangers 
Card sorting 55 .05 



Tapping 

Cancellation 

General intelligence. . . . 
Number group checking 



It SO happens that the very test which shows the highest 
correlation among inspectors shows the lowest correlation, 
a minus correlation, in fact, among the gaugers. This is 
quite in accord with the apparent fact that for the work 
of inspection visual discrimination is probably the quality 
least necessary. An interesting fact was the absence of 
correlation between the test for intelligence involving the 
ability to read and follow easy directions, and the work 
of both inspecting and gauging. This indicated that in- 
telligence of this kind was not necessary for success at 
such work and this, so far as ordinary observation could 
tell, was quite true. The only test which shows a sig- 
nificant correlation among gaugers is the tapping t^t. 
This seems reasonable since, in both the test and the oper- 
ation of gauging, speed of movement and endurance are 
the chief factors. The significance of this part of the 
experiment is therefore chiefly negative since it serves 
to bring out the fact that girls who, to the ordinary ob- 
server and even to the trained employment manager, look 
very much alike may still possess very different sets of 
qualifications. If all the gaugers and inspectors had been 
lined up before the employment window, it is highly im- 
probable that the employment manager would have been 
able by. mere observation to make the radical division 
between the applicants which the tests would have enabled 
him to make. 



26 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

No doubt it would have been possible to devise or 
select tests which would have been more applicable to 
the work of gauging. However, this particular type of 
gauging was only a temporary process and was almost 
completed at the time. It was therefore considered inad- 
visable to go further in this direction. 

Besides the work of inspecting shells which has just 
been described and for which significant tests were found, 
there was a large amount of inspection differing from the 
work described only in respect to the size and shape of 
the object inspected. With regard to the fundamental 
qualifications required to do the work, there was almost 
complete identity. It would have been very valuable if 
the tests found applicable to the work of shell inspection 
should also be applicable to these other kinds of inspect- 
ion. However, it was not permissible at this early stage 
of the experiment to assume that tests found significant 
for one kind of work would be as significant for another 
kind, much as the two kinds resembled each other to the 
ordinary observation. Therefore, in order to avoid all 
uncertainty and guesswork, it was decided to give the 
three tests (exclusive of the eye test) which had been 
found most significant, to representative groups of inspec- 
tors for other kinds of work. This was done in the same 
way in which the first tests were given. Twenty-eight 
cartridge inspectors, thirty paper shot shell inspectors, 
and ten bullet inspectors were examined. The results 
are given in the table of correlations on page 37. 

From these figures it can be seen that the correlations 
for the cartridge and bullet inspectors are almost but not 
quite as high as those found for shell inspectors. The dif- 
ference was due in part to the fact that when the later 
tests were given, about four-fifths of the girls had been 



A FIRST EXPERIMENT 37 

Correlations 

Kind of Work No. of Card Sort. Cane. No. Group 

Girls Test Test Checking 

Shell inspecting 51 .55 ,63 .72 

Cartridge inspecting 10 .52 .48 .62 

Bullet inspecting 28 .49 .26 .58 

P. S. S. inspecting 30 .13 .11 .02 

laid off. By this process both extremes had been elimi- 
nated; that is, the slow girls had been laid off and the fast 
girls had modified their pace to suit the retarded pace 
of production. Thus, all the girls who were left tended 
to accomplish about the same amount of work per day. 
These conditions made the production of these girls an 
unfair indication of their relative ability under normal 
conditions, and consequently made it impossible to ob- 
tain a fair estimate of the tests on the basis of produc- 
tion. This was especially true in the case of the paper 
shot shell inspectors where the lowest correlations were 
found. In fact, the average difference in the rate of pro- 
duction between these girls was only two and two-tenths 
per cent of the average day's work, as contrasted with an 
average of twenty-seven per cent in the case of shell in- 
spectors. The average difference for the four groups was 
as follows: 

Per Cent. 

1. Shell inspectors 27.7 

2. Bullet inspectors 18.7 

3. Cartridge inspectors 6.9 

4. P. S. S. inspectors 2.2 

It can readily be seen from this that the smaller the aver- 
age difference between the quantity of work done by the 
workers of each group, the lower the correlations in the 



38 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

tests. And in the case where there was almost no differ- 
ence between the individuals, it was impracticable and 
impossible to obtain any significant correlation. 

However, the results in their entirety were such as to 
justify the use of the three most significant tests together 
with the eye test in the employment office. The manner 
in which the tests were applied and the results of their 
application are described in the following chapter and 
in the Appendix. 



in 

APPLYING THE RESULTS 

At the time of this writing the tests found significant 
in the course of the experiment just described had been 
given to over 2,900 applicants for the work of inspection. 
Of this number over 800 had been assigned to work 
other than that of inspection. These facts are in them- 
selves some testimony as to the practical application 
of the results of the experiment. However, this chapter 
is concerned not so much with the extent to which the 
tests were applied, as with the question of just how and 
with what success they were applied. This question will 
be discussed in two ways: first, by showing wha^t would 
have been the practical advantages had the inspectors 
who were tested in the course of the first experiment been 
tested before being hired; and secondly, how and with 
what success the tests were later given to a large number 
of new applicants who came into the employment office 
for work. 

In describing what would have been the advantages if 
the tests had been given to those inspectors who were 
examined on the job, we shall first consider in detail some 
individual cases. One of the conspicuous instances of the 
practical significance of the tests was the case of an inspec- 
tor who was examined at the particular request of her 
foreman. The foreman remarked, at the time, that she 
was one of his best girls. With this unsolicited bias in 
mind, the experimenter was not surprised to find that the 

39 



40 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

girl did very well in the tests. While she was going 
through them, the experimenter noted down the usual 
remarks which he was in the habit of passing on each sub- 
ject in his capacity of an observer rather than an experi- 
menter. In this case they were as follows: 

General intelligence A 

Rhythm A 

Attention A 

Physique Slender, healthy 

Personal appearance Neat, attractive 

Remarks Capable looking, ambitious, 

clean movements. 

However, when this girl came to the number group check- 
ing test (8 in the Appendix), she began it so poorly that 
it seemed as if she had mistaken the instructions; and so, 
taking the paper away from her, the experimenter repeated 
them. "I understood you the first time," she answered 
pleasantly, and then proceeded to do the test in 204.4 
seconds, which was 19.4 seconds slower (including mis- 
takes) than the maximum time set for this test. This 
puzzled the experimenter and so he inquired further from 
the foreman as to the success of this girl. It thereupon 
developed that, although she was a very steady and con- 
scientious worker, and of more than average intelligence 
and willingness, she had been working for over six weeks 
and had not yet reached the stage usually reached by 
successful girls in one or two weeks. She was still on day- 
work, and her inability to make piece-work puzzled not 
only herself but the foreman as well. In this instance, 
therefore, when all other signs pointed conclusively to- 
ward a successful inspector, this test — the test which had 
shown the highest correlation, it will be remembered — 
showed conclusively that she lacked the very qualification 



APPLYING THE RESULTS 



most needed. And yet it would have been even more 
difficult for the employment manager than for the foreman 
to detect this lack. As an operator on some other job, 
this girl would undoubtedly have been an exceptional 
success; but as an inspector she was an evident misfit. 

One girl was so nervous when she appeared for exami- 
nation that it did not seem possible that she could have 
the qualities required by the exacting work of inspection. 
Her nervousness, according to the shop instructor who 
brought her, was not due to fright but was chronic. This 
subject was absolutely helpless in the tests for steadiness 
and accuracy. However, her time in the number group 
checking test and in the cancellation test (numbers 8 and 6) 
was considerably faster, that is to say better, than the 
maximum. This girl, it was later found, was the eighteenth 
best inspector among the 58 examined. (It will be re- 
membered that the accuracy and steadiness tests were not 
found significant for this work, while tests numbers 8 
and 6 showed the highest correlations.) The instructor 
who supervised the work of these girls expressed her 
inability to understand the success of this particular 
girl. "She*s a reliable girl", was her only explanation. 
But so were many less successful girls, and besides, her 
rank as a worker was not based on mere steadiness but on 
speed as well. This also goes to show how misleading a 
more superficial observation of a person's qualifications 
may be, even though the observer be one whose business 
it is to pass judgment on those qualifications, as in the case 
of the instructor j us t mentioned. 

Another case was that of a girl who was exceptionally 
good in the steadiness and accuracy tests but who was 
considerably beyond the maximum time in tests num- 
bers 8 and 6. This subject was a good, quiet worker. 



42 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

of more than average intelligence. General observations 
about her were: 

Intelligence B 

Rhythm B 

Attention B 

Physique Strong 

Personal appearance Neat 

Remarks Steady, conscientious. 

But here again^ the tests showed that she was too slow to 
make a successful piece-worker^ and she was therefore com- 
pelled to remain at day-work at which her average wage 
was considerably below her needs. This worker, who was 
twenty-nine years old, was very much worried over her 
inability to make good; and yet, it is altogether likely that 
she would have been very successful at some other kind of 
work. 

Another conspicuous instance was that of a girl, seven- 
teen years old, who had been at work only a few weeks 
when she was examined. The instructor assured the 
experimenter that this girl was learning very rapidly and 
would soon be at piece-work. The experimenter put down 
as his observations : 

Intelligence B 

Attention B 

Physique Slender, healthy 

Personal appearance Neat, attractive 

Remarks Clean movements. 

However, in each of the three significant tests, this girl 
was decidedly poor. She has since demonstrated that she 
will not make a successful piece-worker. Like many 
others, this girl, would not have been hired for inspection 
if the employment office had had the use of these tests at 
that time. 



APPLYING THE RESULTS 43 

In the case of one girl, no test but an eye test would have 
been necessary. This girl was so short-sighted that she 
had to hold the shells almost to her eyes, and even then 
her work was of the very poorest quality. Her presence 
at inspection was an eloquent testimony to the need of 
eyesight tests. 

In another case it was discovered that a girl had one good 
eye and one poor eye, due to the fact that she had had an 
ulcer on one eye which had left it permanently weak, with 
a tendency to water. In the tests she was fair, and without 
any further handicap should have been a successful worker. 
The experimenter, suspecting that the presence of one 
poor eye would be likely to interfere with her ability to 
pick out shells which had flaws, asked her whether she had 
any trouble with her work. The girl replied that boxes 
of shells which she had inspected were very often returned 
to her for re-inspection and that she "simply couldn't 
understand why, because she was so very careful with 
them". In a case of this kind it would have been much 
better to put the girl on the inspection of some other work 
where the defects to be looked for are larger and do not 
require such fine eyesight. 

The individual instances which have been related are 
suggestive and typical instances in which the tests could 
have been profitably applied. However, since it is not 
safe to base conclusions on a few examples, a graphic 
representation of all the inspectors involved in the pre- 
liminary experiment will be given. In this way it will 
also be made clear how the standard for selecting and 
rejecting applicants is determined. In discussing the 
instances given, the reader has been required to as- 
sume that such a standard or maximum time, as it has 
been called, had already been set. The method by which 



44 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

this Standard is determined is one of the most interesting 
and important steps in applying the results of an ex- 
periment. 

The curves on the following page are drawn for each of 
the three significant tests. Before these curves were 
drawn, the inspectors tested were divided into two classes, 
the piece-workers and the day-workers. The piece- 
workers are represented by the solid line, and consist of 
those who have made good as inspectors. The day- workers 
are represented by the dotted line, and consist of those 
who were too dull or slow to make piece-work. 

When the results of the tests are represented in this way, 
their practical significance for the employment office be- 
comes immediately apparent. On the basis of their per- 
formance in the tests, the day-workers and piece-workers 
separate themselves into two distinct groups, the day- 
workers on the right and the piece-workers on the left. 
The nearer the curves approach the left, the quicker and 
better the work in the tests. This is shown by the numbers 
on the horizontal line. These numbers, as has been stated, 
express the number of seconds taken to do the test in- 
cluding corrections. The day-workers, for the most part, 
took so many more seconds that their curve is very far 
to the right. 

Now, if the employment manager had taken as the 
basis for selecting applicants the time represented by the 
points at which the two curves cross, what would have 
been the result? The applicants represented by the 
larger curve would have been accepted while those rep- 
resented by the smaller curve would have been rejected. 
In brief, those applicants who subsequently proved their 
ability by becoming piece-workers would have been 
selected, while those who subsequently proved their 



APPLYING THE RESULTS 



45 




240 Seconds 




200 Seconds 



- 








( 


Test No. 2 
:ard Sortins 
Corr.= .55 




: / 


' 








_ Piecework 


s 




Dayworkei 






;/ 


/-' 


'^^ \ 


~^-^^ 


^v 


"^^ 





40 



50 



60 



70 



90 Seconds 



46 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

inability would not have been hired. To be sure, taking this 
point as the standard would have resulted in selecting 
a few who were destined to fail and rejecting a few who 
were destined to succeed. On the other hand, the large 
majority would have been selected correctly, and probably 
many more who had failed and left before this experiment 
began would have been rejected at the outset, and would 
never have been given the expensive trial which they 
received. 

If we look below the points of intersection of the curves, 
we shall see that the time represented is c^d seconds for 
test number two, 140 seconds for test number three, and 
185 seconds for test number four. These figures were 
taken as the maximum below which an applicant must 
come in order to be selected for the work of inspection. 
It is apparent that these figures are considerably higher 
than the average in the various tests, for the average is 
indicated by a point near the center of the larger curve. 
However, if the average times had been taken as the stand- 
ard for selecting and rejecting, a large number of success- 
ful inspectors who fell below the average in the tests would 
probably have been rejected. The standard finally se- 
lected was such that the maximum number of applicants 
who were likely to succeed would be chosen and the 
maximum number of applicants who were likely to fail 
would be rejected. 

It must not be thought that this standard is absolutely 
rigid. In fact, one of the particular merits of such a 
standard and of psychological standards in general is 
flexibility. If two or more applicants fall within the stand- 
ard or the maximum time set, the employer does not 
necessarily accept all of them but selects those whose 
time in the tests v^2is farthest below the maximum. Thus, 



APPLYING THE RESULTS 47 

this Standard adapts itself to the varying conditions of 
supply and demand. On the one hand, it sets a maximum, 
or limit beyond which applicants should not be hired for 
the work in question; that is, as long as the work and 
working conditions remain the same. At the same time 
it sets an ideal which guides the employment office in 
making its choices, enabling it to select from a group of 
available candidates those most likely to succeed. 

We are now prepared to take up the second of the two 
questions proposed at the outset: How and with what 
success were the tests given to a large number of appli- 
cants in the employment office? 

For an experimenter to find certain experimental re- 
sults is one thing, and to turn them over to an employment 
office for use under practical conditions is quite another. 
The first step was to find some one who could give the 
tests with the proper degree of intelligence and under- 
standing, a step particularly important at the outset when 
the work had not yet been placed upon a firm footing. 
This need was met in the person of a young woman, a 
college graduate, who had had some courses in psychology. 
This young woman was first taken out into the shops and 
instructed in the technique of giving tests and allowed to 
get as much practice as possible. At the same time the 
directions for giving the tests were carefully standardized 
and written down so as to insure practical uniformity in 
giving them at all times. The detailed results of this work 
are given in the Appendix and in Chapter XIV. Then 
a room near the employment office was set aside for the 
purpose of giving tests, and there examinations were con- 
ducted as prescribed, first in small numbers, then in ever- 
increasing numbers. 

The results of these selections were of the utmost 



48 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

interest. It would have been practically impossible, with- 
out a much larger clerical force than was available at the 
time, to follow up closely the results of each individual 
selection. Instead, therefore, of attempting a superficial 
survey of all those selected, it was decided to make an in- 
tensive study of all selections made for one shop. One of 
the largest and most carefully managed shops was chosen 
for this purpose. A careful record of the production of 
each girl examined and hired for this shop was started, 
in order that her record in the tests might later be com- 
pared with her actual work as an inspector. However, 
when these tests were first given, there was a sudden and 
imperative demand for workers, and consequently, appli- 
cants were accepted whether they passed the tests or not. 
This provided an exceptional opportunity for discovering 
the value of the tests and of comparing the results of the 
old method with that of the new. For it now became 
possible to discover to what extent the girls who passed 
the examination were better than those who did not. 
Subsequently the recommendations made on the basis 
of the tests were observed, and only those who met the 
standard requirements were hired. 

Before a sufficiently extensive record of production was 
at hand, a question arose as to whether the results of the 
tests justified their use. This question arose because the 
exigencies of the war made a vast number of new workers 
necessary, and because this need was being aggravated 
by the fact that an appreciable number of applicants were 
being rejected because of too low a rating in the psycho- 
logical examination. A large proportion of those rejected 
in this way were assigned to other work; but there was still 
a considerable number who refused to accept any other 
kind of work, and who were therefore regarded as a dead 



APPLYING THE RESULTS 49 

loss. The question which had to be answered, therefore, 
was this; Is the success of psychological examinations 
such as to justify the rejection of an appreciable number 
of applicants when applicants are very scarce? 

Since it was necessary to answer this question without 
delay, it was inadvisable to wait until complete produc- 
tion records were available. Another method of check- 
ing up the results had therefore to be resorted to. The 
following method was finally adopted. Of the number 
of inspectors who had been examined, ninety-four had, 
for a variety of reasons, stopped work or been transferred 
to other work. Now, whenever a girl leaves or is trans- 
ferred to some other shop, the foreman is required to make 
out a leaving slip and to enter upon it the reason for the 
girFs leaving. In addition to this he is required to state 
whether the girl has been a good worker or a poor worker, 
and also whether or not he is willing to have her return. 
These slips were secured, and a comparison was made 
between the records of the girls in the tests and the opin- 
ion expressed by the foreman at the time of their leaving. 
In order to bring out the results of this comparison the girls 
were first divided into two classes, those who met the stand- 
ard set by the tests and those who fell below this standard. 
Then each of these two classes was subdivided into three 
groups, those described by the foreman as satisfactory, 
those described as unsatisfactory, and those about whom 
no opinion was expressed. The results were as follows: 

Satis- Unsatis- No Total 

factory factory Opinion 

Above the standard. .. .34 I 32 67 

Below the standard. . . . i 17 9 27 

Therefore, of twenty-seven girls below the standard who 
would not'have been hired if the results of the examination 



50 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

had been applied, seventeen were definitely unsatisfactory, 
while nine were not described. And of those above the 
standard who would have been hired, thirty-four were 
definitely described as satisfactory, only one as unsatis- 
factory, and thirty-two could not be designated. These 
results were such as to vindicate the application of the 
tests, even at a time when workers were urgently de- 
manded. 

Later on, however, it was possible to make a much more 
satisfactory comparison, based upon the actual produc- 
tion or output record of the girls. Forty-three inspectors 
who had succeeded or almost succeeded in becoming piece- 
workers, and who had been at work for two months or 
more, were considered in this comparison. The hourly 
production of each girl was averaged for a period extend- 
ing from one to four months. In this way a consistent 
production record was obtained for each girl, one which 
expressed the dominant characteristics of the girl rather 
than her particular ability on a particular day. The rank- 
ing of the girls in production was then compared with 
their rankings in the cancellation and number group 
checking tests, tests number 8 and 6. (Test number 
2, the card sorting test, had not been given because of 
the length of time it required and because of the large 
number of girls who were applying for work.) The corre- 
lation for these tests was found to be very good, being 
forty-four for number 8, forty-seven for number 6, and 
fifty-eight for both tests when taken together. These 
correspondences are not as high as some of those found in 
the first experiment, but it will be remembered that at the 
time of this comparison a good many extremes had already 
been eliminated by their own failure. 

The striking thing about this comparison, however, is 



APPLYING THE RESULTS 5I 

this: Of all the girls who had been hired as inspectors, 
those who survived as successful inspectors were the girls 
who had been above the standard set in the tests. To be 
specific, thirty-seven out of the forty-three were producing 
from fifty to seventy pounds an hour, and of this number 
all but two had been chosen on the basis of the tests. 
Six were producing less than fifty pounds an hour, and 
were therefore failures judged by the standards of the 
shop, and every one of these six was decidedly below the 
standard set by the tests and would not have been hired 
if the results of the examination had been observed. In 
other words, out of a group of thirty-nine successful in- 
spectors, all engaged on the very same kind of work for a 
fair period of time, ninety-four per cent were above the 
standard set by the psychological examination. 

This does not mean, necessarily, that the inspectors 
chosen on the basis of the tests were successful in ninety- 
four per cent of the cases. There is always a goodly num- 
ber of workers who pass the examination but who do not 
succeed at the work for which they are passed, and there 
is an endless number of reasons why this should be so. 
For example, the new employee may not like the work, or 
may not be satisfied with the pay, or may be displeased 
with her surroundings, or may become ill or move out of 
town. Any one of these reasons may cause her failure as 
an inspector, even though her performance in the tests 
shows that she could succeed if the proper incentive were 
present. What the comparison shows is that among all 
those who tried inspection, only those, on the whole, who 
passed the psychological examination were a final success. 

Finally, what were the results of these tests in so far as 
they affected the labor turnover? Taking as a basis again 
the ninety-four inspectors who had left and whose term of 



52 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

service could therefore be estimated, the results were as 
follows : 

Length of Service 

Inspectors recommended by the tests 9-56 weeks 

" not recommended but hired i .05 weeks 

In Other words, the average term of those who were recom- 
mended and hired on the basis of the tests was almost ten 
times as long as the average term of those who were hired 
contrary to the evidence of the tests. This is really a 
striking commentary on the results of these tests in so far 
as they affected the turnover. 

To summarize, individual cases showed that the per- 
sonal judgments of the experimenter, foreman, and in- 
structors were not nearly so reliable as the evidence of 
the tests. A large number of cases, represented by curves, 
showed that the tests made possible at once a separation 
between piece-workers and day-workers which was quite 
beyond the scope of the ordinary employment methods. 
This graphic representation showed also how the standards 
which made possible the desired distinction between appli- 
cants was found. The careful steps by which these tests 
and standards were introduced into the employment 
routine were traced. Finally the concrete results of apply- 
ing these tests in the employment office were presented. 
It was found (i) that the verdict of the foreman tended 
to bear out that of the tests; (2) that of a certain group 
studied intensively, ninety-four per cent of the success- 
ful workers were above the standard in the tests, and all 
failures were failures also in the tests; (3) that those who 
passed the tests worked almost ten times as long as those 
who did not. 



IV 
SELECTING GIRLS AS ASSEMBLERS 

Quantity production, as it is being carried on to-day, 
may be roughly divided into three parts: first, manufac- 
ture, which consists of the actual work, machine or hand 
work, required to bring certain materials to the desired 
dimensions; secondly, inspection, which consists of the 
watch which is kept upon each part in the process of man- 
ufacture in order to detect any flaws which might occur; 
thirdly, assembling, which consists of putting together the 
manufactured parts into the finished product, the final 
goal of the productive process. In times past, these three 
phases were combined, for the craftsman was manufac- 
turer, inspector, and assembler all in one. However, the 
division of labor has separated the productive process 
into these general functions. And it is probably safe to 
say that no matter how far this division is carried and how 
refined the methods of manufacturing become, these three 
general functions will remain. There will always be neces- 
sary a large class of machine operators and bench hands, 
shaping the actual materials. There must always be in- 
spectors to inspect the work done both by machines and 
by hand at every step of the manufacturing process. And 
there will always be assemblers who put together the com- 
pleted parts and who make those slight adjustments 
which are necessary at the end of every fabricating proc- 
ess no matter how perfect it may be. 

In conducting these experiments, it was inevitable 

53 



54 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

that the existence of these three functions should soon 
become apparent. The first experiment was concerned 
with inspectors, and, although it was originally confined 
to one shop only, its scope rapidly extended over a group 
of other shops which were devoted entirely to inspection 
of a very similar nature. The present experiment was 
made in the field of assembling and consists of an attempt 
to discover tests bringing out the essential qualities which 
go to make a successful assembler. 

The assembling with which this experiment was con- 
cerned was that of small gun parts. The particular in- 
fluence which led up to the experiment was the belief that 
a large amount of the assembling hitherto done by men 
could be done just as well by women. This was at the 
time when the substitution of women for men had become 
a critical matter in the war industries. The experimenter 
found that this opinion had already been conceived and 
worked out by the general foreman of the assembling shops. 
This foreman had made a careful analysis of the work and 
had made up a program according to which women were 
to be introduced. However, the question which still re- 
mained to be answered was: What kind of girls will be 
able to do this work and how are they to be obtained .'^ 
This was the question which the psychologist was particu- 
larly anxious to answer. 

Since there were no girls doing this work at the time it 
was impossible to do what had been done in the previous 
experiment; that is, try out a set of tests on a group of 
workers in order to discover certain significant tests. If 
a sufiiciently large group of men had been doing this work, 
it might have been possible to try tests out on them. Then, 
if any tests were discovered to have a high correlation, 
they could be given to girl applicants on the assumption 



SELECTING GIRLS AS ASSEMBLERS 5^ 

that if they indicated the necessary qualities in men they 
would indicate them in women as well. However, this 
was impossible because the process of assembling had it- 
self been entirely rearranged to meet the conditions of 
greatly increased quantity production. Hitherto, guns 
had been assembled in their entirety by one man. Now 
it was proposed to break up this operation into a large 
number of steps, so that one assembler assembled one 
small part, another some other part, and so on, up to the 
last step which consisted of putting together into the fin- 
ished product all the parts that had been assembled. The 
old operation required a mechanic of considerable skill 
and long training. It will readily be seen that the new 
method did not require nearly the same degree of mechani- 
cal skill, although it did require more speed and nimble- 
ness in assembling a large number of relatively small and 
simple parts. Because of this change in the method of 
assembling, a standard on which to base the significance 
of the tests was lacking. And consequently, the finding 
of significant tests had to be something of a leap in the 
dark. 

The first step was to go into the shop and examine the 
exact nature of the proposed operations. It was not con- 
sidered sufficient to do this by asking questions and ob- 
serving the work from a little distance. A first hand 
knowledge was obviously the best, and therefore the 
experimenter actually performed the various operations 
at a bench and in the customary way, until he was able 
to do them with some degree of celerity. Instead of de- 
scribing this work in technical minuteness, it will be best 
for the purposes of this exposition to describe it in terms 
of the tests which were finally devised. 

The work of assembling gun parts as it is now done 



56 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

consists of taking small parts, placing them in the proper 
position, and then either hammering, screwing, pushing, 
or springing them together. The successful assembler 
is therefore one who is possessed, to begin with, of unusual 
manual dexterity! A clumsy fingered person loses a dis- 
astrous amount of time at this work, for any natural 
awkwardness has hundreds of opportunities to repeat 
itself in the course of a day. In order to detect the 
presence or absence of the necessary ability, the so- 
called manual dexterity tests were devised. They consist 
of a form board with a row of pieces of graduated size 
cut out and the pieces left fitting loosely. In giving the 
test, the pieces are turned into the cover of the board 
and left in their exact order, after which the subject 
is asked to put them back into their proper spaces as 
expeditiously as possible. This is tried first with the 
right, then with the left, then with both hands. The 
pieces are in some cases quite large, in others quite small, 
just as in assembling, certain operations consist of putting 
together very minute and delicate parts, while others have 
to do with larger parts. In every case, the pieces were 
graduated in size and the subject was always required 
to work from the largest to the smallest. This served 
the useful purpose of increasing the difficulty of the test 
by degrees, thereby making it unnecessary to upset the 
subject by starting him suddenly at a difficult and novel 
task. 

Another quality required by the successful assembler is 
the ability to pick up a part, size it up, and then decide 
just where it belongs and how it shall be placed there. 
In some cases it is the ability to size up a space and then 
pick up the proper piece for that space. In many cases, 
a very fine discrimination of shapes and spaces is required 



SELECTING GIRLS AS ASSEMBLERS 57 

in order to get the right part to the right space in exactly 
the right position. In one case, a difference of one thirty- 
second of an inch had to be detected. The girl who can 
detect this diiference at a glance is far more successful 
than the girl who has to try the piece out first in one posi- 
tion and then another until the proper fit is found. In 
order to detect these qualities, a test for the perception of 
odd shapes and sizes was devised. It consists, like the 
dexterity tests just described, of a board with pieces 
cut out, except that in this case the pieces are of odd 
shapes. Some pieces are quite different in shape, but 
some, almost alike in shape, differ very slightly as to 
size. When the test is given the pieces are dropped 
into the cover of the form board and arranged there ac- 
cording to a predetermined scheme. Then the subject 
is asked to size each piece up carefully and put it into its 
proper space, making as few mistakes as possible. 

It is very interesting to watch the various subjects take 
this test. Some girls see at a glance where each piece 
belongs. Others have not the least conception of the re- 
lation between certain shapes and certain spaces, but aim- 
lessly try out each piece at one opening after another 
until, by chance, the right space is hit upon. 

Besides the mental qualities just described, the work 
of assembling requires strong hands. In order to deter- 
mine roughly the strength of the hands, a grip-testing in- 
strument or hand dynamometer is used. Each girl is 
given six trials, three with her left hand and three with " 
her right. The number of pounds registered in each trial 
is recorded and the average for each hand constitutes the 
record. 

The conditions under which this experiment was con- 
ducted represent a departure from the usual procedure. 



58 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

Heretofore tests had first been tried in the shops where a 
comparison with the actual production of those to whom 
they were given made it possible to get an immediate 
index of their value. In this case it was impossible to 
do this, because, as has already been stated, the force 
intended to do this work had not yet been built up. 
Therefore, tests having been chosen as well as possible 
under the circumstances, they were given immediately 
to new girls as they came into the employment office in 
search of work. 

The girls chosen on the basis of these tests were carefully 
watched, and after a period of from one to two months 
from the time at which they had been chosen, an attempt 
was made to compare their performance in the tests with 
their ability as assemblers. However, because each girl 
was assembling slightly different parts it was impossible 
to rank their ability on the basis of production records. 
Consequently, the opinions of the foreman and section 
head were sought. It may be said here that personal 
opinions of this kind are a very poor substitute under any 
circumstances for the impersonal testimony expressed by 
cold production figures. However, the girls concerned 
had been watched with particular care, since this was 
also an experiment on the part of the shop in introducing 
women for this kind of work. The rankings of the fore- 
man and section boss were obtained independently of 
each other and agreed in every case but one. The records 
of the girls in the tests were then compared with these 
rankings, and a remarkable agreement was found. 

Eighteen girls had been tested. Of this number twelve 
had been hired for assembling work. Ten of the twelve 
were still there. The two who had left were girls who had 
done poor work in the tests. Those girls who had done 



SELECTING GIRLS AS ASSEMBLERS 59 

well in the tests were doing excellent work as assemblers 
and were making over three dollars a day. "They are 
far better than some boys we tried on that work before," 
remarked the foreman, "and all but one of them stands 
up to her work." 

The standing of the girls in the test for the perception 
of odd shapes and sizes and their standing in the opinions 
of their superiors agreed in every case but two. Ex- 
pressed in terms of correlation, the agreement was plus 
.72. In the other tests the agreement was not so marked, 
but nevertheless there was a positive and significant cor- 
respondence. The correlation for the combined manual 
dexterity tests was .52, while that for the hand dyna- 
mometer was .34. 

The impersonal but nevertheless easily interpreted re- 
sults of these tests may be illustrated by the following in- 
stances: One girl's record in the test for the perception of 
odd shapes and sizes showed that she had been very slow 
and made frequent mistakes. On her record card this 
showed simply as #5i;87-4 (meaning test number fifty- 
one, done in eighty-seven seconds with four mistakes). 
The writer, although he had not given these tests and 
knew nothing about the girls in question, remarked to 
the foreman: 

"This girl's record shows that she had a very poor idea 
of where the parts belonged." 

"That's exactly how her work was," quickly responded 
the foreman. 

"But on the basis of these tests," — indicating the girl's 
record in the tests for manual dexterity — "she seems to 
have had pretty nimble fingers." 

"Yes," countered the foreman, "but her mind wasn't 
as fast as her hands." 



6o EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

This girl had been laid off some time before. 

Two girls who did poor work in the tests were hired with 
the particular purpose of finding a negative proof of the 
value of the tests. The section head, who knew that the 
tests were being given, one day met the young woman who 
had given them and said: 

"I thought that you gave the tests to Miss ?" 

"I did/' was the reply. 

"Well, she's no good. She'll never make an assembler." 

"I didn't expect her to," was the answer. This girl 
was one of the two who had done poor work in the tests. 
The other one has already been referred to. 

The number of instances mentioned above is hardly 
sufficient to establish with scientific certainty the value 
of these tests. However, the practical success with which 
they were used insured the desirability of their further 
use. The foreman in charge of the assembling shops 
had been extremely interested in the development and 
application of the tests, and was moved to write the fol- 
lowing letter expressing his opinion of the psychological 
examination: 

"The tests which you have been giving applicants for assem- 
bling have proven beneficial and I would like to see you not 
only continue them, but extend them to the men applicants. 

"We have had only two failures so far out of twelve new 
girls, and the tests given these girls showed that they were slow 
to begin with. 

"One of the difficulties in training piece-workers is the fact 
that they must first be given from two to four weeks' training. 
During this time, the aim is to train a man in thoroughness, 
and he is therefore compelled to work slowly and carefully. 
Consequently, it is impossible during this time to tell whether 
the man will be fast or not. 



SELECTING GIRLS AS ASSEMBLERS 6l 

"After this training, the man is put on piece-work, and then, 
if he has the natural ability to speed up, he will make good. 
However, if he lacks this ability, he will either fail to make his 
piece-work rate and quit, or he will speed up and ruin the 
work and have to be laid off. 

"If we could find out beforehand whether a man would have 
the necessary speed after he has been trained how to do the 
work, it would save us a good many very expensive trials." 

An experiment among men assemblers will be described 
in a subsequent chapter. The significant tests are being 
continued in use for the selection of women assemblers, 
and as soon as a sufficient number have been working at 
one kind of assembling for a certain length of time, an- 
other attempt to find the correlations will be made. 

In the meanwhile, there are many kinds of assem- 
bling, similar and yet unlike that described here, to which 
tests could be applied. Almost every manufacturing 
process ends with assembling operations, some of which 
are complex, some very simple. Innumerable packing 
operations are really a sort of assembling, and require 
workers of more than average dexterity. The assembling 
of locks, clocks, and watches also requires peculiar nimble- 
ness. All of these assembling tasks warrant experiment- 
ing to find tests which will consistently select the best 
assemblers. 



THE PORTABLE LABORATORY 

One of the first essentials in scientific work of any kind 
is a laboratory. A laboratory is a place where work can be 
done under uniform and controlled conditions, and where 
the apparatus necessary for an experiment can be prop- 
erly set up or stored. Most universities are equipped 
with a psychological laboratory differing little in general 
appearance from a physics laboratory. Whenever an ex- 
periment is to be conducted in one of these laboratories, 
the apparatus is set up and, when preparations are com- 
plete, the subjects who are to be tested are required to 
come to the laboratory according to a prearranged sched- 
ule. For a time it was considered desirable to establish 
and equip a similar laboratory to be devoted exclusively 
to the psychological work of the factory. At first glance, 
such a laboratory would seem to be in line with the physi- 
cal and chemical laboratories which now form an essential 
part of every large industry. However, it soon became 
obvious that such a laboratory was impracticable for 
factory purposes. It was highly inadvisable to ask a 
large number of employees to leave their work and come 
to the comparatively remote point occupied by the lab- 
oratory. Not only would such a procedure have caused 
a great loss of time, but it would also have made inevi- 
table a disconcerting uncertainty in the arrival of the 
expected subjects. And yet it was highly desirable to 
conduct experiments and tests under conditions of a cer- 

62 



THE PORTABLE LABORATORY 6;^ 

tain uniformity, and in a place free from upsetting in- 
trusions. It was also desirable to have a secure place in 
which the necessary apparatus could be set up and stored. 
Consequently, since it was found impractical to ask em- 
ployees to come to a central laboratory, which would 
fulfill these conditions, it was decided to bring the lab- 
oratory to them. For this purpose the portable labora- 
tory was devised. 

This laboratory is a room six feet square. It is built 
of light beaver board, set in a light wood frame. Each 
wall of the room is a unit in itself. When the room is 
set up, the walls are held together by means of hooks 
and by a transverse brace over the top of two of the 
walls. One wall is used as the door. By means of a 
double hinging device it is possible to fold this door back 
upon the wall to which it is fastened. When the labora- 
tory is collapsed, it consists simply of four walls stacked 
against each other. In this compact form it is a very 
slight task to carry the entire outfit from one shop to 
another. It can be set up or collapsed in just about 
three minutes. Its light and simple construction make 
it very easy to shift and to manipulate. 

The exterior of the room is painted a dark, unobtrusive 
brown. Thus it escapes being conspicuous in the shop 
where it is set up. The interior is painted white, in order 
to make the most of the daylight when it is available. An 
electric drop light which can be adjusted to various posi- 
tions in the room is part of the equipment. The table 
which is used is an integral part of the construction of 
the room. It consists of a white enameled board, eighteen 
inches wide, hinged to one wall and supported by three 
swinging brackets. At present it is being planned to re- 
place this table with a more substantial one. The light 



64 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

construction of the room makes it impossible to give a 
rigid surface to a hinged table, and a table on four legs 
is therefore being secured. The portable room is further 
fitted out with devices providing for the necessary com- 
bination of electric currents. Its equipment includes an 
electric fan, a necessary adjunct to a room otherwise de- 
void of ventilating mechanisms. 

In this laboratory only such apparatus is carried as is 
necessary for the experiment in hand. This apparatus 
is stowed in a large but lightly constructed chest. In this 
way it can easily be carried around or stored. The bulk 
of the apparatus is kept in a permanent laboratory where 
new apparatus is constructed and tried out before it is 
sent out for use in the portable laboratory. 

As was expected, the use of this room provoked some 
scoffing and ridicule among the shop men and their over- 
seers at the outset. All kinds of queer names were given 
to it by the men such as "pill box", "monkey cage", 
"star chamber", etc. However, it was never abused and 
the experience which those who were examined had with 
this room tended to transform their contempt into cu- 
riosity and often into admiration. 

"Do you know," said one man who had been given 
tests, "I have much more respect for that place in there 
(pointing to the portable room) than I did before. At 
first I thought it was a lot of monkey business, but it got 
me. It made a monkey of me all right. It showed me 
that I wasn't quite as smart as I thought I was." 

After the expiration of a few days, the laboratory is 
taken as a matter of course in the shop where it has been 
set up. No one pays any more attention to it than to the 
permanent shop fixtures. This has been the case wherever 
the room has been used. The first few days provoke a 



THE PORTABLE LABORATORY 65 

mild interest and some jocular remarks. After that, noth- 
ing more is said. 

When a man is to be examined, he is simply informed 
that it is his turn, his work ticket is stamped to show at 
what time he stops work — all subjects are paid out of a 
special cost account for the time occupied by psychological 
examinations, and special care is taken to make this pay 
generous — and he is then conducted into the laboratory. 
Here he is properly seated and the necessary tests are 
given to him. In all cases, tests to men are given by a 
male examiner, and as far as possible, all tests given to 
women are given by a woman examiner. Since this work 
has become established, this is done without exception. 
Where women or girls are given tests by a male examiner, 
some woman in the shop, well known to all the girls, is 
chosen to accompany each subject. The door of the lab- 
oratory is left part way open, and this woman sits just 
outside where she can observe the process of the examina- 
tion. This precaution, while not absolutely essential, 
nevertheless serves to forestall any possible embarrass- 
ment on the part of the girl being examined, and conse- 
quently contributes to the reliability of the results of the 
tests. When the examination is conducted by a woman, 
this precaution is naturally unnecessary. 

The use of this laboratory has, on the whole, been quite 
satisfactory. It serves the purposes for which it is in- 
tended admirably. It is convenient; it can be set up or 
taken down very quickly — in three minutes to be exact; 
it fits well into any available space in the shop; it is in- 
expensive; it saves an enormous amount of time which 
would otherwise be consumed by having the necessary 
subjects come some distance to a more remote stationary 
laboratory for examination. 



66 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

Nevertheless, it is subject to considerable improvement. 
To begin with, it is not sound proof. In fact, it does 
nothing to keep out sound, because it is open above and 
below. It remains for some one to construct a portable 
room which shall be sound proof. Such a room would 
increase the scope of the tests to a very great extent, 
especially in the field of audition. A sound proof room 
would also make possible a greater uniformity of condi- 
tions, because each subject could then be tested under 
the same sound conditions instead of being tested in the 
midst of the various noises which go on in the shops. 

This, however, is a doubtful advantage to say the least. 
To bring a subject from a shop ringing with the noise of 
hundreds of machines into the sudden quiet of a sound- 
proof room might easily upset him much more than al- 
lowing him to perform the tests amidst the noises to 
which he has become accustomed. In fact, one of the 
greatest difficulties to overcome is the danger of putting 
a subject into a state of initial nervousness so that it be- 
comes impossible for him to give a characteristic perform- 
ance in the tests. In order to avoid this difficulty which 
is ever present, the utmost skill and sympathy must be 
exercised. It is also a serious question whether a sound- 
proof laboratory will make it possible to give tests under 
more uniform conditions than would otherwise be the 
case. It is altogether too easy to confuse the technique of 
the chemical and physical laboratory with that of the 
psychological laboratory. To give an example : the labora- 
tory conditions for producing nitric acid are always the 
same. Given the standard apparatus, and substances of 
the proper kind, the results are always the same as long 
as the standard method of procedure is carried out. 

But individuals are infinitely more complex and more 



THE PORTABLE LABORATORY 67 

uncertain in their reactions than material substances; 
therefore, mere external uniformity in procedure, or stand- 
ardization of laboratory technique and conditions, is by no 
means a guarantee that characteristic or typical reactions 
will follow. For this reason it may be undesirable to 
construct a factory laboratory which will place the sub- 
ject under conditions too different from the conditions 
of the place in which he is accustomed to work or undergo 
his normal reactions. No one should understand the com- 
plexity of this problem better than the psychologist him- 
self. As a student of sensation and habit, he can readily 
understand that what he may consider a nice, quiet place 
may be, to the man accustomed to the continuous clank- 
ing and grinding of machines, a place howling with strange 
and fearful sounds. There are times when nothing makes 
so much noise as silence. 

This question, together with a great many others, must 
be considered by those conducting psychological experi- 
ments under factory conditions. The portable laboratory 
which has been described is by no means a final or com- 
prehensive one. However, as compared with a permanent 
laboratory such as is used in universities, it is a vast im- 
provement. The stationary laboratory, except as a place 
in which to develop and store apparatus, possesses and 
magnifies all the difficulties mentioned. To recapitulate, 
it makes it necessary to bring subjects long distances 
from the shop in which they are working, thus involving 
a very considerable loss of time. The portable labora- 
tory obviates this difficulty by going to the shop in which 
its proposed subjects are at work. Secondly, the sta- 
tionary laboratory makes it difficult to secure the right 
subjects at the right time. Psychologists who have tried 
at universities to get students to report at the laboratory at 



68 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

certain stated times for examination, know to their regret 
what a genuine difficulty this is. A laboratory stationed in 
the immediate vicinity of those to be examined makes it 
very easy to get the right subject at the right time, and 
saves thereby an endless amount of confusion and effort. 
Thirdly, a stationary laboratory, with its pretentious equip- 
ment and its striking contrast with the shops, would tend 
to upset a subject who knew nothing about such matters, 
and thereby lessen the value of the results of the experi- 
ment. A laboratory set up in the shop does not entirely 
avoid this difficulty, but certainly reduces it to a minimum. 
Finally, a laboratory of this kind keeps the experimenter 
in the shop most directly affected, and no condition is 
more important to the successful conduct of an experi- 
ment than a very intimate contact with the ways and 
work of the shop in which it is being conducted. 



VI 

TESTING MEN ASSEMBLERS 
THE FIRST EXPERIMENT WITH MEN 

Up to the time of this experiment nearly all tests 
had been given to girls and on jobs which were handled 
almost wholly by girls. The present experiment was con- 
ducted entirely among men. It was therefore an experi- 
ment in a double sense: first, an experiment to determine 
the value of certain tests; secondly, an experiment cal- 
culated to show what could be done among men in a 
situation of this kind. 

The two largest gun-assembling shops served as the 
field for this experiment. It must be admitted that con- 
siderable apprehension was felt as to the attitude which a 
large body of shop men would adopt toward being taken 
from their work into a mysterious-looking brown box — 
the portable laboratory which was set up for this purpose 
was only a brown box to them — for a series of mysterious 
tests. However, as with the girls, a policy of entire frank- 
ness was pursued from the very outset. As soon as the 
portable laboratory had been set up — a process which im- 
mediately aroused the interest of the men — a notice was 
posted on it to this effect: 

"The tests which will be given here are in the interests of the 
employment office. Their purpose is to provide the employ- 
ment office with standards by which to select successful assem- 
blers in the future. Your cooperation is requested." 

69 



70 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

The cooperation of the foremen was first secured. Due 
to these precautions, not a single hitch or unpleasant in- 
cident occurred during the entire experiment. On the 
contrary, the men took a very lively interest in the matter 
and discussed it freely not only among themselves but 
with the experimenter as well. The intelligent grasp of 
the problem which some of the men displayed was so 
surprising that it was thought worth while to jot down 
snatches of their conversation. 

"What's the good of them 'physicological' tests any- 
way?'* asked one man. It was explained to him that the 
experiment was being conducted to discover whether 
there was any agreement between certain of the tests and 
the efficiency of the men as assemblers. 

"What if they don't show up that way?" asked the man. 

"Then we throw them aside," was the reply. 

"And if they do show up?" 

"Then we'll turn them over to the employment office 
to give to new men whose ability we know nothing 
about." 

"That's not physicology, that's common sense/' said 
this man. And another of the group looked wise and re- 
marked: 

"Sounds good to me." 

At another time one of a group of men who were dis- 
cussing the tests with the experimenter asked: 

"What do you think of this for a test? You know that 
the men on this job have to know something about filing. 
Well, suppose you have a man applying for this work who 
claims experience as a filer. Suppose you lay four files in 
front of him and ask him to do a piece of fine filing and 
he picks up a bastard file to do it with. Or you ask him 
to do a piece of rough filing and he picks up a fine file. 



TESTING MEN ASSEMBLERS 7I 

Well, you would know right away what to expect of him 
as a filer." 

"Yes, but listen here," broke in another. "All the 
filing required for this work can be learned by a likely 
man in a few days, and it wouldn't be fair to throw out a 
man because he happened to pick up the wrong file once. 
Inside of a week or two weeks at the most a man who has 
never had a file in his hands might be able to do filing well 
enough to do this work." 

This is an example of the kind of discussion which was 
freely indulged in by the men in these shops. It not only 
showed how well they understood and sympathized with 
what was being done but also gave many valuable sug- 
gestions and viewpoints to the experimenter. Indeed, 
one of the most valuable features of an experiment con- 
ducted in this way lies in the intimate touch with the men 
and their work which it promotes. And as an additional 
suggestion it may be stated that nothing pleases the men 
more than the recognition that their work is important 
enough to merit a careful study. 

The work in which these men were engaged was the 
assembling of gun actions and the final assembling of the 
various component parts of the gun into the finished prod- 
uct. A thorough study of this work was made by the 
experimenters, not only by observation but by actually 
doing the work as well. In some respects, this work was 
like the work of assembling done by girls. However, it 
required in addition some filing ability and a considerably 
higher grade of judgment. Instead of describing the work 
in minute technical details it is better for our purpose to 
describe it in terms of the tests which were finally selected 
for the experiment. 

The first test given was the spatial perception test (51). 



72 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

This has been described in the chapter on girl assemblers. 
The object of the test was to determine the ability of the 
subject to glance at a group of objects of various sizes and 
then assemble the right object to the right space. Some 
men could see at a glance where each piece belonged; 
others were compelled to try out a piece on one hole after 
another until, more or less by chance, they hit upon the 
right space. The second test was given to determine 
the subject's ability to discern slight differences in the 
size of objects shaped alike. For this test the triangles 
of the smaller form board were put in irregular order. 
The subject was asked to put each one in its right space. 
It will be seen that this test requires ability to discriminate 
between dimensions that are almost alike, a faculty which is 
quite necessary in fitting parts of an action or gun together. 

In addition to the ability just described, an assembler, 
to be successful, must be able to do his work quickly. 
In other words, he requires manual dexterity. In order 
to discover the presence of this quality form board tests 
numbers 22, 23, ^^y 34 were used. These tests have also 
been described in the chapter on girl assemblers. Strength 
of hands, although not an absolute essential, is a decided 
asset. The hand dynamometer was used to test for this 
quality. It may be said that testing the strength of hands 
is one of the most interesting and amusing of all tests, so 
far as the subjects tested are concerned. In this case, as 
in other cases, considerable rivalry and interest were 
aroused among the men through its use. 

Finally the Stenquist mechanical test was given. This 
test consists of a box with eleven compartments each of 
which contains some implement in its unassembled form. 
The first compartment contains a simple monkey wrench; 
the second contains a chain; the third a three-piece clothes 



TESTING MEN ASSEMBLERS 



73 



clip; the fourth a bicycle bell, etc. The task of the sub- 
ject is to take the object in each compartment and as- 
semble it. Twenty minutes were given for this test and 
the results recorded according to the scale of values worked 
out by Professor Stenquist. The object of this test was 
to discover mechanical ability. 

This experiment was conducted in two sections. In 
the first section all but the last of the tests named were 
given to thirty-one men engaged in action assembling. 
In the second section of the experiment all the tests were 
given to fifty-one finishing assemblers and twenty-six 
action assemblers. During the course of the first part of 
the experiment, all the assemblers were on a day-work 
rather than a piece-work basis, and for this reason it was 
impossible to obtain an objective rating of the men based 
on their actual production. Therefore, in lieu of some- 
thing better, each foreman was asked to rank the men. 
It was carefully explained to him that his ranking should 
be based upon his opinion as to the possible production of 
the men if they were allowed to work on a piece-work 
basis. The fact that during a previous drive on production 
most of these men had been on piece-work made it possible 
for the foreman to make such a ranking on something more 
than merely hypothetical grounds. The foremen's rank- 
ings were then mathematically compared with the ranking 
of the men in the various tests, with the following results: 

Correlations 



31 Action 
Assemblers. . 


No. 51 — Spatial 
Perception 


No. S4 — 3 Trials 


No. 31— Hand 
Dynamometer 


.56 


.18 


.29 



74 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

It will be seen that test number 51 is the only test which 
shows a significant correlation. 

In order to verify the results obtained and also because 
it was considered that not enough men had been examined 
to make the results very reliable, another set of examina- 
tions was given about six months later. In this section 
of the experiment fifty-one finished gun assemblers and 
twenty-six action assemblers were given the spatial per- 
ception test number 51 and in addition the Stenquist 
mechanical test already described. It had been hoped that 
by this time it would be possible to obtain piece-work 
records showing the comparative productiveness of the 
various men. However, although the men were on piece- 
work, each man was limited to a certain number of pieces 
a day; therefore, it was again impossible to obtain pro- 
duction records showing the comparative ability of the 
men. Again it was necessary to resort to the opinion of 
the foreman. On this occasion both the immediate over- 
seer of the men and the foreman were asked to rank the 
men independently in five groups according to their opin- 
ion of the productive ability of their workers. The rank- 
ing of the men in the tests was then mathematically cor- 
related with the ranking of the overseer and the foreman 
taken separately and with the combined ranking of both 
men. The results are given in the table on page 75. 

It will be seen at once that the correlations for test 51 are 
not as high as was the correlation found in the first part 
of the experiment, though high enough to encourage 
further experiments in the same direction. The Stenquist 
test shows a slightly higher correlation, although it, too, 
is not high enough to justify its use as a criterion in the 
selection of new assemblers. The correlation between the 
opinions of the foreman and the overseer is very high. 



TESTING MEN ASSEMBLERS 

Correlations 



75 





Al^ B* 

with 
Sten- 
quist 


A^^ B 

with 
No. SI 


A 

with 
Sten- 
quist 


B 

with 
Sten- 

quist 


A 

with 
B 


No. SI 
with 
Sten- 
quist 


31 Finishing Assem. . 


•35 


•32 


.20 


.37 


.92 


.42 


26 Action Assem. . . . 


.34 


.26 


.32 


.32 


.82 


.58 



* A represents the overseer. B represents the foreman. 

and shows that they were in close agreement in their 
estimates of the various men. This is by no means al- 
ways the case. The correspondence between the Sten- 
quist and the spatial perception test was also good, show- 
ing that both tests involve the same ability or abilities to 
some extent. 

On the whole, the results of this experiment were not 
such as to justify using any of the tests tried as a basis for 
choosing new assemblers. Nevertheless, the correlations 
found justify continued research in this field. An inter- 
esting sidelight was cast upon the experiment by the fore- 
man when the results were shown to him. Upon being 
told that the results of the second part of the experiment 
were not conclusive, he remarked that this was to be ex- 
pected under the circumstances. When asked to explain 
himself, he stated that the examiner had not had the 
entire cooperation of some of the men and that these sub- 
jects performed the tests in a very careless manner. As a 
matter of fact, the second section of the experiment was 
conducted in part by a novice who was for the first time 
trying his hand without close supervision. In view of this 
fact, and the positive correlations which were found never- 



76 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

theless, the success of future experiments in the same 
direction seems assured. 

The outstanding feature of this experiment, however, 
is the manner in which it was received by the shop men. 
This reception clearly indicated that a psychological ex- 
periment, with all its novelty and necessary details, can 
be conducted among shop men in such a way as to secure 
their hearty interest and approval. Indeed, the psycholo- 
gist who can adapt himself to a situation of this kind and 
who can genuinely amalgamate himself with the work 
and spirit of the shop, will find himself in a very fortunate 
and strategic position. Men will be only too glad to ex- 
plain to him the nature of their work and to point out the 
little intricacies and subtleties which can so easily escape 
even the trained observer. Subsequent experiments have 
demonstrated the value of such an attitude and have also 
shown that the best way in which the psychologist can 
promote it is by beginning, not as a psychologist, but as a 
workman, actually donning the apron or the overalls, 
and learning the nature of the job by doing it. Nothing 
else is so convincing a proof of the experimenter's sincerity 
and thoroughness; and nothing will do so much to win the 
sanction and cooperation of the men to be examined. 



VII 

CLERKS 

Clerical work of one kind or another is a necessary- 
adjunct to almost any kind of enterprise. The choice 
of clerks is, therefore, a problem of universal interest. 
The fact that much clerical work requires a quite different 
type of worker than is required by most factory work, 
makes the problem still more interesting. As a rule, 
office workers must have a grammar-school or high-school 
education in order to meet the demands of their work. 
The time required to "break in" new clerks is commensu- 
rately long. Even for the more routine work it usually 
takes from two weeks to two months to develop a new 
clerk. As a consequence, mistakes in selection mean a 
correspondingly big loss to the organization. It is most 
desirable to select at the outset those applicants whose 
work will justify this training. For the purpose of dis- 
covering and standardizing tests which should accomplish 
this object, a series of experiments was conducted at 
various times and under various circumstances. During 
the course of the first experiment tests were given to 
fifty-two men and women doing clerical and near-clerical 
work. An aggregate number of four hundred and forty 
tests was given. The office serving as the field for this ex- 
periment was a departmental office in which large groups 
of clerks were engaged on very similar work. This office 
was chosen largely because of the fact that its manager 
had been making a careful study of his clerks and their 

n 



78 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

work, and had attempted to rate them as to their actual 
ability. This promised to give a fairly reliable basis upon 
which to estimate the results of the experiment. At 
the conclusion of the experiment, the manager of the office 
made a statement regarding his opinion of the results. 
This statement describes the problem of selecting clerical 
workers so clearly that it has been considered advisable 
to quote it before rather than after the experiment has 
been described. 

"The problem of hiring clerks consists of sifting from the 
candidates available those who can, by constant application, 
adapt themselves successfully to certain very definite routine 
tasks. In dealing with large numbers of such people, all pos- 
sessing more or less similar personalities, an interview, no 
matter how searching it may be in analyzing a person's apti- 
tudes, is not sufficient to determine a clerk's degree of technique. 
Up to the present time we have as a rule guessed at a person's 
skill and hired him on trial. We have gone to the expense of 
'breaking in' clerks on one task and then another until they 
have reached their level, or until they have left, or have finally 
been discharged. 

"The tests which have been employed in this office seem to 
supply the mechanical means of quickly and cheaply determin- 
ing to a practical degree the manual, ocular, and mental tech- 
nique demanded for certain classes of routine office work. 
By thus supplementing the personal interview, I believe we 
can not only eliminate some of the expensive * trials' now being 
made but give good personal advice and prevent many personal 
disappointments and embarrassing situations. 

" As a case in point, a new girl was hired in one of our sections 
because of her alertness of speech, pleasing appearance, interest 
and conscientious attitude, and because she had been taking 
special lessons on a computing machine. We felt that she 
would be particularly well adapted to our work. In starting 



CLERKS 79 

at this work, she was first given the sorting of factory time 
tickets. So far she has done so poorly on the simpler work of 
the section that her section head is ready to discharge her. In 
the tests, I noticed at once that she was the poorest one in the 
entire group, and if these tests had been applied at the time 
of her employment, I presume that she would not have been 
hired, in spite of the other things in her favor. She may still 
be valuable for simple work, but she has started with a false 
estimate of herself and a wrong kind of encouragement from 
us. We have other cases in mind where clerks have done ex- 
ceptionally well, although first impressions have been poor 
owing to an estimate made from their general appearance and 
deportment rather than from a knowledge of their technique." 

It was at the suggestion of the office manager making 
this statement that the tests given in this experiment 
were classified under the head of tests for technique and 
tests for intelligence. The distinction is by no means clear 
cut, but it has a certain practical value which every office 
manager will recognize. By technique is meant the speed 
and accuracy shown by clerks in sorting tickets and papers, 
posting and adding columns of figures, indexing and filing, 
and in other routine clerical operations. In short, tech- 
nique is the degree of mechanical perfection which is de- 
sirable in all kinds of routine office work. The tests 
calculated to give an index of a clerk's technique were 
tests numbers 4, 10, 12, and 15, all of which are given 
with appropriate directions in the Appendix. The term 
intelligence was interpreted to designate the facility and 
success with which a clerk could master new tasks and 
follow directions about new work assigned from time 
to time. One of the tests used for this purpose was 
test number 13, the well-known Woodworth-Wells hard 
directions test. (See Appendix. This test has since 



8o EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

been abandoned for more specific tests of intelligence.) 
Another test used for this purpose was the "abstract 
relations" test devised by Prof. Robert M. Yerkes, Major 
in charge of the psychological section of the army. This 
test can not be given here because, at the time of this 
writing, Prof. Yerkes had not yet put it into final form. 
These tests were given to fifty-two clerks. The clerks were 
divided into four groups of about equal numbers, each 
group being engaged in a different type of office work. 
When all the tests had been given the results were com- 
puted and tabulated so as to bring out the following points: 
(i) the rank of each individual with reference to all the 
rest; (2) the relation of each of the four groups to each 
other; (3) the relation between technique and intelli- 
gence. The results were then submitted to the office 
head who compared them with his records and with his 
own opinion of the relative merits of the various individ- 
uals and groups. This comparison showed a very marked 
agreement between the testimony of the tests and the 
rankings of the office manager. In the first place, a com- 
parison showed a distinct difference between the four 
groups, both in technique and intelligence. The compari- 
son was made by averaging the ranks of each individual 
in the tests and then averaging the ranks for each group 
as a whole. The result of this comparison may be ex- 
pressed as follows: 

Average in 

Technique Intelligence 

Time-study group 92 96 

Ledger group 82 80 

Statistical group 77 yi 

Computing machines and 

sorting group 79 69 



CLERKS 8 I 

The most striking fact about these group averages is 
the decided superiority of the time-study group. As a 
matter of fact, the members of this group were not strictly 
clerks, although they required clerical ability to a very 
high degree. The group was composed of young men, 
college graduates, whose duty it was to go into the shops 
and study operations of various kinds, observing and re- 
cording with the aid of a stop watch the most minute 
elements which entered into those operations. This re- 
quires not only a very high degree of technique, but an 
unusual degree of intelligence as well. On the basis of 
the tests, this group is very markedly superior to every 
other group, both in technique and intelligence. This 
corresponded exactly with the relative importance of the 
group, both from the point of view of the wages they re- 
ceived, the work with which they were intrusted, and the 
office manager*s opinion. The differences between the 
remaining groups were not so marked. The ledger group, 
however, was higher than the other two in both tech- 
nique and intelligence. This, again, corresponded with 
the relative value and importance of the group. The two 
remaining groups, doing less important work and receiving, 
on the whole, lower pay, were very much alike. The 
computing-machines group excelled the statistical group 
in technique but was in turn excelled by them in intel- 
ligence. This was in accord with the fact that the statis- 
tical group was engaged in work not quite so routine as 
that of the other group. 

As regards the ranking of individuals, the results of the 
tests were more striking. Every member of the first 
group with one exception was ranked among the Hfteen 
highest out of the entire number of fifty-two clerks tested. 
The exception was a man whose work was unsatisfactory 



82 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

and who left shortly after this experiment was tried. 
The leader of this group outranked its other members. 
The leaders in each of the other three groups also ranked 
within the first fifteen. The young man who had the 
highest rank in intelligence and who was in charge of the 
ledger group has since been promoted to a much more im- 
portant position. The girl who was first in technique 
and third in intelligence was considered the fastest girl 
in the office. The clerk who was lowest in both tech- 
nique and intelligence had been at work for four weeks 
and in that time the man in charge of her work had tried 
in vain to make her a success. She was unable, after four 
weeks of practice, to sort time tickets without making 
bad mistakes. It was in the test most nearly resembling 
this operation, the card-sorting test, that this girl did 
most poorly. Although externals were all in this clerk's 
favor, the man in charge of her had finally lost pa- 
tience and recommended her discharge. Another clerk 
with a responsible position, a college education, unusual 
business experience, and a prepossessing appearance, 
showed up quite well in the intelligence test but very 
poorly in the tests for technique. The conclusion sug- 
gested by these tests has been remarkably borne out. The 
promising appearance and poor performance of this clerk 
had caused a considerable difference of opinion in the office; 
but her immediate superior and supervisor maintained 
that he did not feel comfortable while she was at her pres- 
ent work. On the strength of the tests, the files which 
this clerk was keeping were inspected and the suspicions 
as to her accuracy were confirmed. The files were found 
to be in very bad shape. 

Unlike some previous experiments, this case showed a 
decided correspondence between technique and Intel- 



CLERKS 83 

ligence. The actual correlation was plus fifty-five (prob- 
able error four hundredths). This indicates that general 
intelligence or mental flexibility, while not absolutely 
necessary for all clerical work, tends on the whole to be 
an advantage. It will be remembered that inspectors 
to whom similar tests were given did very poor work, thus 
indicating that intelligence of this kind was not at all 
necessary in their work. However, in clerical work, where 
tasks are frequently changed and where new directions 
are often given, a little intelligence will often make it 
possible for a clerk to fall into a given routine with much 
greater readiness than can a less intelligent clerk. Clerks 
lacking in technique may often compensate for their lack 
by superior intelligence. 

As a result of this experiment, it was decided to give 
these tests, together with others which might be added 
from time to time, to all incoming clerks. One of the 
first candidates to be examined was a young woman who 
had recently been interviewed by one of the office heads. 
This candidate was so unprepossessing in appearance 
that in spite of signs testifying to her intelligence, the office 
head was in doubt as to the advisability of hiring her. 
He therefore asked that the psychological tests be applied. 
This was done, and the young woman did remarkably 
well in every test. She was then hired, and proved her- 
self so ready and capable, that it was decided to train 
her for the work of an office assistant. In six weeks she 
had mastered the routine of four different kinds of work. 
This is a striking instance in which the testimony of the 
tests belied the testimony of observation. As was stated 
in the letter quoted in the beginning of the chapter, it is 
almost impossible to tell, by merely observing and inter- 
viewing a candidate, whether that candidate has the 



84 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

proper ability and technique required by clerical work; and 
it needs some more searching and impersonal method to get 
at these very desirable facts. In the case just discussed, 
superficial appearance and a personal impression might 
easily have meant the loss of a very desirable worker. 

At the time of this writing, nine hundred and thirty- 
five clerks had been selected on the basis of these tests or 
similar tests developed in the course of subsequent ex- 
periments. The results of these selections were carefully 
followed up and recorded on the form containing the 
record of the applicant in the tests (see Appendix). It 
will be seen, by reference to this form, that provision is 
made for a periodic follow up, at the end of the clerk*s 
first, second, third, and sixth months of employment and 
finally, at the expiration of a year's work. The results 
of this follow up showed very clearly that the tests were 
an aid in the selection of clerks. The great difficulty, 
however, in finding the true value of the results was the 
fact that the estimate had to be based upon the personal 
opinions of a large number of different office and section 
heads. This brought into the situation the very defects 
which the psychological method seeks to avoid, the 
prejudices and variations of the human equation. For 
instance, the person following up the results of certain 
selections might come to an office head and ask: "How 

is Miss getting along?'* "Oh, she's no good at 

all," might be the answer; "What did she do in the 
tests?" It may happen, and it frequently does, that the 
particular clerk in question has done well in the tests, 
and the examiner is then called upon either to justify 
his selection or admit his mistake. Now'in many cases of 
this kind, the mistake has been found to lie with the per- 
sonal opinion of the office head, and later events have 



CLERKS 85 

Vindicated the impersonal testimony of the tests. For in- 
stance, one girl, very unattractive in appearance and un- 
gainly in her movements, was held up by a certain office 
head as a particularly flagrant error on the part of the 
examiners. This girl was finally transferred to another 
office. After the expiration of the usual time, the follow- 
up clerk asked her new superior *'How is Miss 

getting along?" "Oh, she's doing good work," was the 
immediate reply. Actually, this girl, considered a failure 
by her first superior, was considered a success by her 
next, although she was doing work in which her previous 
experience was of no decided value. Another instance of 
a similar kind is the case of two clerks who had been 
recommended on the basis of the tests. After the ex- 
piration of a few days, their superior complained about 

their ability. "Why Miss even thought that the 

United States Government was a company!" exclaimed 
the office head in despair. When he was informed that 
both of these girls had passed the tests, he agreed to 
withhold judgment for a few days more. At the end of 
the month, he was again asked to express his opinion of 
these clerks. "They will do," was the rather reluctant 
answer. Situations of this kind arise constantly in an 
office made up of several units, due to the fact that the 
head of every unit has his own peculiar ideas as to what 
a clerk should be and how she should perform her work. 
This lack of a uniform and impersonal standard makes 
the task of following up the results of selection an ex- 
tremely intricate one. However, by force of instances 
like those described above, the office heads concerned are 
realizing more and more how unreliable their personal 
impressions are likely to be, and at the same time, how 
worthy of their consideration is the selection made by the 



86 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

tests. Whereas mistakes in hiring were once attributed 
immediately to the tests, office heads are now inclined to 
question their own judgment as well. The result of this 
change of emphasis from the personal to the impersonal 
has been a much more consistent treatment of clerks in 
general, and a much more decided conservation of human 
material. Snap judgments are less common than was once 
the case. 

On the other hand, there have been frequent instances 
in which the tests themselves were at fault. For example, 
the examiner would find that certain clerks who had failed 
in the tests but who had nevertheless been engaged for 
a trial, were succeeding beyond a doubt. A more minute 
scrutiny of such cases usually showed that the clerk in 
question was engaged at work for which the tests were 
not in the least intended. For instance, it was once 
customary to give every clerk a test in the fundamentals 
of arithmetic. However, it frequently happened that 
clerks were put at work which did not involve any knowl- 
edge of arithmetic, and therefore they often proved suc- 
cessful even though they had done extremely poor work 
in this test and only fair work in the remaining tests. 
Such cases, frequently met with, showed not so much the 
inadequacy of tests in general as the inadequacy of cer- 
tain tests for certain kinds of work. In fact, one of the 
most valuable features of the systematic follow up out- 
lined was to reveal discrepancies between particular tests 
and particular kinds of work, and thereby point out 
the need for a more careful study of the varieties of 
clerical work and, at the same time, a more careful adapta- 
tion of specific tests to meet these varieties. The manner 
in which these requirements were filled is described in 
following chapters. 



CLERKS 87 

Although, as has been pointed out, there were certain 
inadequacies in the tests applied as well as in the judg- 
ments obtained from the office heads, the value of the 
results became more and more clear with each passing 
month. The inspection or follow up conducted at the end 
of each month showed a consistent increase in the per- 
centage of agreement between the estimates based upon 
the tests and those given by the office chiefs. For example, 
one hundred and eighty-eight clerks recommended on the 
basis of the tests and followed up at intervals of one 
month for a period of three months were estimated as 
follows : 

Percentage of those called good by their superiors 

At the end of one month 75% 

" " " "two months 89% 

" " " "three months 92% 

In brief, the verdict of the tests was corroborated with 
increasing certainty as the various office heads learned 
to know their workers better. Looking at the matter 
from another angle, the verdicts rendered on the basis 
of tests occupying only a few minutes' time were more 
reliable than those rendered by the office heads after they 
had known the workers thus selected for one, two, and 
even three months. If tests have any value it is in this 
ability to effect in a few minutes a selection which time 
will justify; and the measure of that value is the degree 
in which succeeding months confirm this selection. 



VIII 

STENOGRAPHERS, TYPISTS, AND COMPTOM- 
ETRISTS 

The work of typists, dictaphone clerks, stenographers, 
and computing-machine operators, is clerical work which 
is specialized by the use of a standard machine. In apply- 
ing tests to this kind of work, therefore, it is necessary to 
take into consideration two additional factors: first, the 
skill already acquired by the worker at a certain machine; 
and secondly, the aptitude which the worker possesses 
for learning and improvement in the use of the machine. 
A typist, for instance, must usually possess, at the outset, 
a certain degree of clerical ability. However, this is only 
the foundation of her work. She must also be trained in 
the use of the typewriter, and she should have, in addition, 
that aptitude or innate ability which will make her, in 
time, a fast and accurate typist. The same holds true of 
other office-machine operators, except that the stenog- 
rapher must also have ability in taking dictation and in 
reading her notes. 

In order to find tests which could meet these conditions, 
an extensive series of experiments was conducted in which 
relevant tests were given to two senior classes of over 
three hundred girls and boys in a commercial high school, 
to seventy-six pupils of two business schools, to a group 
of twenty-two office typists, to another group of nineteen 
stenographers, to over four hundred candidates for posi- 
tions as typists and stenographers, to three groups of over 

88 



STENOGRAPHERS, TYPISTS, AND COMPTOMETRISTS 89 

one hundred and forty comptometrlsts, and finally, to more 
than one hundred and twenty candidates for comptometry. 
That is, more than one thousand people were tested and 
more than five thousand tests were given. The tests 
selected on the basis of these experiments are those which 
showed the highest and most consistent agreement with 
the abilities of those examined. By no means compre- 
hensive or final, they have nevertheless proved them- 
selves practical guides in the selection and grading of ap- 
plicants for the kinds of office-machine work mentioned. 
Most of these tests are given in the Appendix, with direc- 
tions for use, under the names of the work to which they 
apply. 

TYPISTS AND DICTATING-MACHINE OPERATORS 

Obviously, the most important test which can be given 
to a typist is a test in the actual work of typing a given 
copy or form. Several tests were selected or devised for 
this purpose and tried out on a number of typists with a 
view of discovering which tests were most significant. 
Some very important points were revealed by these pre- 
liminary trials. In the first place, it soon became appar- 
ent that the tests must be given on a machine of the type 
to which the applicant had become accustomed or on 
which she had been trained. A slight difference in ma- 
chines was frequently enough to throw a typist out of 
her stride and cause her to make an unusual number of 
typographical errors, errors which were obviously due to 
unfamiliarity with the machine. The solution of this 
difficulty was to allow each applicant to take the typing 
test on the machine of her choice. However, where this 
was impracticable, a standard machine was chosen, and 
the applicant given sufficient time to adjust it to her use. 



90 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

In order to minimize the results of unfamiliarity with the 
machine, the tests finally chosen were confined to the 
universal keyboard and all catches were avoided. More- 
over, those errors in the copy of the typist which were 
apparently due to novelty, such as the striking of an "i" 
for an "o", were not counted against the applicant as 
heavily as other mistakes, such as omitting a word or a 
punctuation mark. 

Another test chosen to give to typists was a spelling 
test. The first step in devising this test was to select 
representative letters and forms from the correspondence 
of the company. These samples were then gone over and 
those words which were most frequently misspelled were 
selected and made up into a series for test purposes. A 
number of the words, purposely misspelled in character- 
istic fashion, were mingled with words correctly spelled, 
and the applicant was asked to check off those which were 
incorrectly spelled. The written method was chosen be- 
cause it is much quicker and more comprehensive than 
the oral method. However, it frequently happens that 
an individual is unable to spell a word correctly or recog- 
nize its correct spelling until he writes it down. In order 
to meet this condition, those words incorrectly spelled 
on the test sheet which were not checked by the subject, 
and those correctly spelled which were checked, were read 
aloud to the subject and she was requested to write them 
down correctly. In this way, the possibilities of error 
were greatly reduced. It may be said that a typist does 
not necessarily have to be a good speller because she has 
the words before her. This assertion does not take into 
consideration the mental mechanism which copying in- 
volves. Copying is more than a merely photographic 
process. It involves learning and memory. An individual 



STENOGRAPHERS, TYPISTS, AND COMPTOMETRISTS 9I 

who had never studied French would have great difficulty 
in copying correctly a paragraph in French and it would 
undoubtedly take him a long time to do it. It takes us 
much longer to copy a word which is new to us or which 
we have seen only a few times than to copy one with which 
we are familiar. To be sure, the ability to spell is not as 
essential to the copyist as it is to the stenographer, because 
the stenographer must rely almost entirely on her memory 
for the spelling of the words she takes down. Neverthe- 
less, the lack of this ability will greatly increase the typist's 
liability to error and very markedly decrease her speed as a 
copyist. Moreover, in the case of dictaphone typists, 
spelling is even more important than it is in the case of 
stenographers. For whereas the latter has an opportunity 
to look up doubtful words in the dictionary without hold- 
ing up her machine, the dictaphone typist must bring 
her dictaphone to a stop before she can look up the neces- 
sary word, and when she resumes, must frequently set 
the dictaphone back so as to recover the sense of what 
she is writing. It frequently happens that the applicant 
has only recently learned how to type and is therefore 
not yet proficient. It is very essential to distinguish 
between a typist who is not proficient because of inex- 
perience but who promises to become proficient, and one 
who is naturally inept and is not likely ever to become 
very proficient. The spelling test is one means of dis- 
covering this fact; for a candidate who is a poor speller 
has an initial handicap which will greatly retard her 
progress. 

Another test, chosen largely for this purpose, is the I 
substitution test. Other experimenters have already es- | 
tablished the connection between ability in this test and i 
actual or potential ability in typing. If an applicant ' 



92 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

without much previous experience in typing does very- 
well in the substitution test, the indication is that she 
has the necessary aptitude or potential ability to become 
a good typist with practice. It is very desirable to engage 
a candidate of this kind with the view of giving her the 
opportunity to develop this potentiality for the sake of 
her future usefulness. It is just as desirable to know when 
this potentiality is lacking in a typist in order to avoid 
engaging an applicant upon whom practice and experience 
will, to a large extent, be wasted. 
I Another test which contributes to this end, particularly 
in the case of typists using a dictating machine, is the 
Trabue completion test or the language tests built on this 
model. Tests of this kind require the subject to fill in 
the blank spaces left by the omission of certain words 
and phrases in a sentence, with those words and phrases 
which will complete the meaning of that sentence. For 
instance, in the sentence: When the alarm clock. . . .1 
immediately .... out of bed, rings and jump obviously 
make the necessary sense and complete the sentence. It 
very frequently happens that a typist is confronted by a 
copy or by a record in which a word or phrase is illegible 
or unintelligible. In the face of such a situation some 
typists are quite helpless and can solve the difficulty only 
after much thought or after making inquiries from their 
neighbors or superiors. Others are able, by their own sense 
of the meaning of what has been said or written, both 
before and after the blank, to supply the necessary words. 
' That is, their sense of context enables them to complete 
sentences the parts of which are missing. The ability 
to do this is a very great advantage to tTie typist, and 
one which will greatly increase her capacity for good 
work. 



STENOGRAPHERS, TYPISTS, AND COMPTOMETRISTS 93 



STENOGRAPHERS 



The tests described as being applicable to typists are 
equally applicable to stenographers, and in some instances 
more so. The Trabue completion test, or the context 
test as it might also be called, is particularly significant, 
for the stenographer must not only be able to supply the 
words and phrases which the person dictating fails to 
enunciate clearly, but she must also be able to read the 
sentences which she has taken down and to supply those 
parts which she has herself failed to record clearly. The 
sense of context is therefore of twofold importance in the 
case of the stenographer. In addition, she should have a 
knowledge of grammatical expression, and for this purpose, 
a grammatical test like that given in the Appendix under 
paragraph 21 was chosen. It will be seen that this test calls 
for the detection and correction of certain fairly common 
errors in expression, some of them obvious and others more 
subtle. The individual who can not immediately see and 
correct most of these errors is obviously handicapped as a 
stenographer; for a good stenographer should not only be 
able to avoid grammatical mistakes on her own part, but 
she should also be quick to detect them on the part of her 
employer. The variations and modifications to which 
grammar tests lend themselves are infinite. Besides the 
context and grammar tests the spelling test is also of great 
importance in the case of stenographers. A stenographer 
whose spelling is slipshod is a trial to her superior. 

The most important test, probably, which can be given 
to a stenographer is of her ability to take and to transcribe 
dictation. This is a difficult test not only to take but to 
give. Two methods may be adopted. One is to dictate 
a certain amount of material to the candidate within a 



94 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

given length of time, regardless of whether the speed of 
dictation is too slow or too fast. The other is to adapt the 
speed of dictation as nearly as possible to the capacity of 
the applicant. In either case the result is graded accord- 
ing to the amount done correctly. The former method has 
proved unsuccessful partly because it is impossible for 
any examiner to give dictation at an absolutely uniform 
rate of speed to every individual, and partly because it is 
obviously unfair to require a novice or an unpractical 
stenographer to take dictation at a rate which her sub- 
sequent employer may never expect her to equal. The 
tests given in the Appendix are examples of tests used for 
this purpose. These tests were given as nearly as possible 
at the speed which was best adapted to the applicant's 
ability. The results were then graded on both the basis of 
the total time consumed and the amount done correctly. 
Stenographers are frequently required to do work of 
more importance than merely taking and transcribing 
dictation. They frequently hold secretarial positions 
which require considerable executive ability. In that 
case, care must be taken not to place an interpretation oh 
these tests which exceeds the purpose for which they are 
intended. Further tasks and abilities require additional 
and more difficult tests. 

COMPUTING-MACHINE OPERATORS 

The use of computing machines in connection with 
cost and payroll work, the taking of inventories, and 
statistical work of all kinds, has become very extensive. 
Indeed, so important has this work become that there 
is now a very large class of workers who specialize in the 
use of one of these machines just as the typist and stenog- 
rapher specialize in the use of a typing machine. The 



95 

name most generally applied to these operators is comp- 
tometristy and the number of comptometrists is already be- 
ginning to rival the number of typists and stenographers. 
It is therefore extremely and increasingly important to 
establish means for the selection of operators who are 
already proficient and others who promise to become so. 

In order to develop tests for this purpose, various stud- 
ies were made and experiments conducted. At one time 
a series of four tests were given group-wise to a group of 
forty-one comptometrists. At another time, comptom- 
eter tests were given to separate groups comprising 
ninety-three operators. As soon as tentative tests and 
standards were established, they were given in the em- 
ployment office where, at the time of this writing, over one 
hundred and twenty applicants have been tested and the 
results followed up. In addition, tests were given to over 
eighty pupils who entered evening classes conducted to 
instruct girls in comptometry, and comparisons made 
between the performances of the pupils in the tests and 
their subsequent progress on the computing machine. 
As a result of these experiments the tests given in the 
Appendix under the head of Tests for Computing-Ma- 
chine Operators were finally established. It must be 
stated that these tests were developed in connection with 
the use of comptometers (really a trade name) and the 
Burroughs adding machine, probably the two most widely 
used machines. 

The tests found most significant for this purpose were, 
first, a mental-arithmetical test. This test was the same 
as that chosen for clerks who use arithmetic in their work. 
The method of performing arithmetical operations me- 
chanically does not necessarily presuppose a very thor- 
ough knowledge of arithmetic. Adding, multiplying, 



g6 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

dividing, and pointing off decimals on a machine is an 
entirely different process from the process involved in the 
mental solution of identical arithmetical problems. In 
fact, a girl who knows nothing whatsoever of division can 
be taught how to divide on a machine in a comparatively- 
short time. However, in spite of this fact, it is highly nec- 
essary that a comptometrist have a fundamental knowl- 
edge of arithmetic. A comptometrist who does not have 
this is far more likely to make errors and to overlook 
errors than one who does. The experiments conducted 
proved this conclusively. An operator who knows arith- 
metic can frequently tell when her answer is wrong or 
absurd by a mere inspection. To be specific, the decimal 
point in a calculation done on a machine can be taken 
care of automatically by setting an index or pointer and 
then following certain definite rules as to which rows of 
keys to use. As long as these rules are followed, no mis- 
takes will occur. However, when, by chance, the operator 
fails to follow these rules she may obtain a result as fol- 
lows: 1 46 8 X .00034 equals 4.9912. Now, the numerical 
answer here is correct, but the decimal point is in the 
wrong place, and unless the operator knows the arith- 
metical rules regarding the use of decimals in addition to 
the rules governing the mechanical operation, she may 
see nothing wrong in the above answer. Frequent mis- 
takes of this kind were found in the course of the experi- 
ments on comptometrists. Such mistakes made in actual 
work are likely to be very costly. Even though mistakes 
in the long run tend to equalize themselves, the fact that 
most of them are not allowed to run long, but must sooner 
or later be corrected, usually with an amount of labor far 
more costly than the errors themselves, makes it very im- 
portant to reduce such errors to a minimum. The modern 



STENOGRAPHERS, TYPISTS, AND COMPTOMETRISTS 97 

industry, with its enormous payrolls and extensive cost 
systems, is well aware of the importance of this particular 
item. For this reason it is very important that comp- 
tometrists have, in addition to their mechanical knowledge, 
a knowledge of fundamental arithmetic, as determined by 
the arithmetical test described. 

The test in comptometry itself must necessarily be based 
largely on the kind of comptometry to be done or the 
kind of practice which the individual has had. The work 
in connection with which these experiments were con- 
ducted involved very little division, and consequently, 
most emphasis was placed upon addition and multipli- 
cation. Care must be taken in all cases to establish tests 
which will not lay too much value upon the specific abil- 
ity of an individual at a specific moment. For instance, 
some schools, knowing the little use to which division 
is put, spend very little time teaching division to their 
pupils. It does not follow that these pupils would not 
quickly learn division if properly instructed, but unless 
tests discriminate carefully, it is quite possible to reject 
an operator, fair in other respects, but poor for the time 
being, in division. This is a matter which must be de- 
termined from a practical rather than an experimental 
standpoint. If the industry wants thoroughgoing experts 
at once^ a complete test should be given. If the industry 
is satisfied to take operators who are not entirely expert 
but who promise well, less emphasis should be placed 
on a complete and perfect comptometry test and more 
on the tests which indicate an individual's aptitude or 
potentiality. The arithmetical test discussed is one 
test which serves this purpose. Another is the numerical 
substitution test. This test bears virtually the same re- 
lation to the work of comptometrists which the mixed 



98 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

letter and number-substitution test bears to typists and 
stenographers. It has been found that this test correlates 
very well with the subsequent ability of operators who are 
not expert at the time when the tests are given. The so- 
called general-intelligence tests which have been applied 
to comptometer operators thus far have not shown any 
marked correlation with their ability as operators. Since 
the work on which these operators are engaged requires 
intelligence of a peculiar kind this is not surprising. 

After tests had been given to applicants for comptom- 
etry for several months, the value of the tests had won the 
recognition of most of those concerned. A certain official, 
however, head of the largest group of operators, remained 
skeptical and would not admit that the tests had been suc- 
cessful in selecting operators for his group. In order to 
convince him and also for the sake of making further im- 
provements in the tests themselves, this official was asked 
to allow an experiment to be conducted with some of the 
members of his group. He consented to the proposition 
upon two conditions; First, he was to be permitted to 
select the girls to be tested; and secondly, he was to keep 
the standing of these girls unknown to the experimenters 
until the latter had completed their ranking of the girls 
according to the tests and were prepared to submit these 
rankings to him in written form. These conditions were 
naturally acceptable, since it is situations of exactly this 
kind that employment tests are calculated to meet. This 
official then selected twelve girls for the experiment, and 
the comptometry tests discussed here and given in the 
Appendix were given to them group-wise. When the re- 
sults were complete, the twelve girls were arranged in one, 
two, three order. This was done both for each test in- 
dividually and on the basis of the tests taken collectively. 



STENOGRAPHERS, TYPISTS, AND COMPTOMETRISTS 99 

These rankings were then submitted to the official who 
had previously ranked his workers in the same way, but 
according to his own opinion of their comparative abili- 
ties as comptometrists. The agreement between the two 
was very close. The rankings based on the tests in comp- 
tometry alone coincided with those given by the official 
in every respect. On the basis of the tests other than the 
comptometer tests, there were two disagreements, both 
very slight. It appeared that one of these operators was 
new and comparatively inexperienced and, although not 
yet quite as good as some of the others on the machine, 
gave indications, by her good work in the other tests, that 
she would soon surpass some of the other girls who had 
been ranked above her. The department head agreed 
that this was his opinion also, but said that he had ranked 
the girl low because he was using as a criterion only ability 
in comptometry, without regard to mental ability or po- 
tentiality. The other operator who had been ranked 
higher by him than on the basis of the tests was a very old 
and experienced hand who had won her rank through con- 
tinued practice in the same kind of work, but who was 
admitted to be not as versatile or as capable as some newer 
girls ranked beneath her. The important fact about this 
group of tests, from the employment point of view, is 
that the instantaneous verdict made possible by them was 
substantially the same as that rendered by the official 
in charge of the group after he had known the individuals 
tested for weeks, months, and even years. As a re- 
sult of this experiment, the official who had been skep- 
tical before made a written statement in which he 
expressed himself as entirely convinced that these tests 
were reliable. 

The above incident is related largely as an illustration 



lOO EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

of the difficulties in convincing individuals of the scientific 
significance of the psychological method. Most individ- 
uals have no conception whatsoever of the statistical 
method and of the importance of basing judgments on a 
large number of cases rather than a small number of 
isolated instances. In the experience of the writer it has 
seemed as if not one business man in a hundred were able 
to free himself from the compelling magic of the isolated 
dramatic instance. Mention has already been made of 
the impression made upon a group of hard-headed business 
men by a wild guess that one of the group was a Cornell 
man. To be right with respect to a single applicant has 
sometimes done as much to convince a certain official of 
the value of tests as an entire experiment, covering forty 
or fifty individuals, and involving the most accurate and 
painstaking statistical work. On the other hand, one or 
two failures have often done more damage than a similar 
experiment could repair. 

The power of the dramatic instance — called dramatic 
because it happens at the time being to monopolize the 
entire stage in the mind of the individual — is one of the 
chief obstacles to the pioneering psychologist. "That may 
all be true;" one hears an individual say after an experi- 
ment or a follow up covering fifty or a hundred applicants 
has just been explained to him, with the correlations which 
were found and the high percentage of agreement between 
the verdicts of the tests and those of the foremen or those 
obtained from actual production figures; "but there is 

Miss . Now I know her and her work very well. 

She has been with the company for Rvq years and during 
that time has given perfect satisfaction in the place where 
she works; and yet, according to your tests, she would 
not be considered good for the work she is at. Then, 



STENOGRAPHERS, TYPISTS, AND COMPTOMETRISTS lOI 

there is Miss . I know her personally, and I know 

her work, and I am sure that she is a very inferior 
worker, and yet, according to your tests, she is above 
Miss ." 

This more or less imaginary criticism is typical of the 
power which isolated and personally known cases have 
over the minds of certain individuals, and which is one of 
the greatest obstacles which the psychologist has to over- 
come. The difficulty will remain, not only in the psycho- 
logical field but in all fields until people are educated suffi- 
ciently so that they can weigh the value of an investigation 
or a problem, not by one or two isolated points which 
happen to stick out most vividly in their minds but by 
weighing and comparing all the points present in the situa- 
tion. It is not the intention here to minimize the im- 
portance of the dramatic instance, or the particular case. 
Individual instances are, in the last analysis, the funda- 
mental facts upon which scientific laws and generalizations 
rest. However, people will not be able properly to place the 
value of individual instances until they become statistically 
minded; that is, until they are able to see facts in the light 
of percentages, proportions, curves of frequency and dis- 
tribution, and until they are sufficiently at home in this 
kind of thinking so that their entire train of thought will 
not be thrown out of gear when an isolated instance comes 
along, or an exception with which they are personally 
familiar. 

The little experiment related above was a more fair 
attempt than usual on the part of a layman to obtain a 
reliable basis upon which to estimate the value of the 
tests for his work. The official in question chose twelve 
cases upon which to base his opinion. However, from the 
psychologist's point of view, even twelve cases are not 



I02 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

sufficient ground upon which to make very extensive de- 
ductions. In fact, the psychologist who bases conclusions 
with regard to the significance of tests upon a study of 
less than twenty subjects at the least feels that he is 
resting on very precarious ground indeed. 



XI 
TESTING TO SPECIFICATION 

The tests discussed in the preceding two chapters were 
designed to apply to certain general kinds of office work, 
such as typing, stenography, comptometry, and routine 
clerical work. However, it soon became evident that 
these tests were neither comprehensive nor specific enough 
to meet every situation. This fact was revealed through 
the follow-up work which has already been spoken of. 
The follow-up work consisted of inspecting the results of 
every selection, whether for factory or office work, at in- 
tervals of a month for three months, then at the end of 
the sixth month, and finally, after the lapse of a year. In 
the course of this work it was found that tests were fre- 
quently given for abilities which the worker did not need 
to possess, and also, that the tests given did not adequately 
cover the work in question. As instances of this kind 
multiplied, it became increasingly necessary to provide 
more tests and more highly specialized tests for the varie- 
ties of work which were being encountered. It finally be- 
came evident that, in order to provide for this situation 
systematically, it would be necessary to make a complete 
survey of the different kinds of clerical work, and then 
apply tests accordingly. 

Before entering upon the more complete and minute 
survey, a hasty preliminary canvass was made in which 
it was discovered that there were seven hundred and fifty 
seven clerks engaged in tasks going under two hundred and 

103 



I04 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

three different names. Manifestly, it was not feasible to 
provide specific tests for each of this large number of posi- 
tions. For not only were these positions subject to great 
variations from time to time in the kind of work they in- 
volved, but they were often differentiated from each other 
by mere technical or superficial characteristics for which 
applicants did not need to possess corresponding differences 
in their natural equipment and ability. The differences be- 
tween tasks were often differences only in routine and in 
method, differences which could easily be overcome by a 
few hours' acquaintance with the work. On the other hand, 
the preliminary survey also revealed that among this great 
variety of work a comparatively small number of character- 
istics dominated. That is, it seemed as if a large number of 
tasks could be reduced to a comparatively small number of 
elementary abilities, such as ability in spelling, copying by 
hand, typing, counting, adding, multiplying, dividing, 
working in fractions and decimals, filing, sorting, taking 
dictation, transcribing, operating computing machines, and 
so forth. It was therefore decided to make the more com- 
prehensive survey with this fact in mind, and to describe 
all clerical tasks, so far as possible, in terms of their ele- 
mentary requirements. If this could be done, it was to 
be expected that the process of finding and applying tests 
to these varieties of work would be greatly simplified. 
Instead of a heterogeneous mass of tests, corresponding 
closely to the heterogeneous varieties of clerical tasks 
differentiated from each other only in superficial respects, 
it would become possible to establish a much smaller 
number of tests designed to detect only the more funda- 
mental abilities and therefore susceptible of application to 
the wide variety of tasks encountered. 
Another advantage of this procedure was the practical 



TESTING TO SPECIFICATION I05 

one to be derived from the simplification of the method 
of making requisitions for clerks. Because of the many- 
kinds of work, the requests from various offices and de- 
partments for new clerks came into the employment 
office in terms that were extremely vague. The term 
clerky for example, might mean a clerk of almost any kind. 
The term stenographer^ specific in some respects, might 
still be vague in essential details, for some stenographers 
might be required to have filing or statistical ability and 
others not. The term payroll clerk was found to apply 
equally well to six or seven kinds of clerks, each engaged 
in work of a different kind. This vagueness made it very 
difficult to examine clerks with reference to the specific 
abilities which were required of them by the specific tasks 
for which they were intended. In order to overcome this 
difficulty, it was proposed to base the requisitions for 
clerks upon the fundamental factors which were involved 
in each kind of work. That is, instead of asking simply 
for a payroll clerk, let us say, without specifying what 
kind of payroll clerk, the request would have to state 
the exact specifications according to which this clerk was 
to be furnished. If the payroll clerk required was to 
possess ability in division, that fact would have to be 
stated. If ability in sorting, that fact would be noted, and 
so forth. With the specifications given in this way, it 
would become possible to give the appropriate tests and 
to select the candidates who most closely approached the 
specifications outlined. 

The survey upon which this change of procedure was to 
be based was conducted by going directly to each office 
or section head and asking him to explain in detail the 
tasks of those in his group. At this point a serious obstacle 
was immediately encountered. When the head of a group 



io6 



EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 



of office workers was asked to describe the work of those 
in his group he usually gave the description in stereotyped 
and technical terms which had very little relation to the 
fundamental requirements of the work in question, and 
which meant almost nothing to any one not closely ac- 
quainted with the particular routine of the work being 
described. For instance, the work of a master plan clerk 
was described as preparing, scheduling, and closing out 
of all sub-orders; that of a check clerk as cutting amounts 
on checks and analyzing cash disbursements; auditor, 
checking the work of the blotter and inker. These de- 
scriptions are somewhat ambiguous for one not familiar 
with the work. 

In order, therefore, to guide the analysis and descrip- 
tion of tasks into specific channels and also in order to 
facilitate the use of this information after it had been 
obtained, the following outline was prepared and printed 
on a form card: 

Name of job Classification 

Department Division Section 

Characteristics of Work: 
Manual 

Writing — Figures — Drawing — Posting — Sorting. 
Machine 

Typing : Copy — Statistics — Dictation — Forms. 
Stenography: General Dictation — Technical — Secretarial. 
Comptometry : Add — Multiply — Divide — Decimal. 

Miscellaneous: 

Mental 

Filing: Alphabetical — ^Topical — Symbolical. 
Mathematics : Add — Multiply — Divide — Subtract — Percent- 
age — Decimals. 
English 

Conversation — Correspondence — Grammar — Spelling — Han- 
dling Inquiries. 



TESTING TO SPECIFICATION IO7 

Posture 

Standing — Sitting — ^Walking. 
Education (in years) : Grammar — High School — Business School — 
College. 

Prerequisite Experience 

General Description of Duties 



This outline, while neither comprehensive nor final, made 
it necessary to describe each particular kind of work in 
fairly specific terms and in terms of activities which were 
fundamental rather than incidental. When the work of 
the five hundred and fifty-seven clerks involved had been 
described by making out these forms, it was found that 
two hundred and three different tasks were listed. How- 
ever, closer study showed that many of these tasks differed 
only in name, and that the fundamental activities in- 
volved were much the same for large numbers of them. 
Therefore, a further simplification was brought about by 
classifying the various tasks still more strictly on the basis 
of the abilities involved, regardless of the name given to 
these tasks by the various offices in which they were being 
performed. Finally, the two hundred and three jobs were 
reduced to about sixteen, which were named as follows: 

File Clerk Posting Clerk 

Checking Clerk Correspondence Clerk 

Order Clerk Follow-up Clerk 

Ledger Clerk Sorting Clerk 

Record Clerk Statistical Clerk 

Messenger Clerk Comptometrist Clerk 

Typist Dictaphone Typist 
Stenographer 

The names given to these jobs are unimportant. The 
important feature is the fact that each name stood for a 



I08 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

Specific group of fundamental requirements such as those 
outlined above. Each one represented a set of specifica- 
tions drawn up for the purpose of guiding the employment 
office and especially the psychological examiner, in select- 
ing the proper candidate for the proper place. 

From this point on^, tests were developed and applied to 
meet these specifications. Some of these tests are given 
in the Appendix under titles which, in the light of this 
analysis, will immediately suggest their use. The filing 
tests, for instance, correspond to the kinds of filing desig- 
nated in the descriptive form. Topical filing is one of the 
common kinds of office work. Letters have to be filed 
according to the subjects with which they are concerned, 
and to determine what these subjects are is a task which 
requires a certain kind of intelligence or analytical ability. 
The topical filing tests, one simple and the other more 
difficult, are calculated to test this ability. Alphabetical 
filing is a still more common task and requires ability of 
a very different nature. It requires a certain kind of 
mechanical precision rather than analytical powers. The 
alphabetical filing test is calculated to give an index to 
this ability. A still better test for this purpose is to give 
the subject a file box, with a certain number of cards con- 
taining names. The subject is requested to file these 
cards under the proper letters. Other tests are designed 
to detect other fundamental abilities. Such tests are 
being found or developed from time to time. 

The specifications just mentioned are standard speci- 
fications for standard kinds of work. However, it fre- 
quently happens that clerical positions are to be filled 
for which the standard specifications at hand are not ade- 
quate. For instance, a stenographer may be desired who 
shall possess, in addition to stenographic ability, ability 



TESTING TO SPECIFICATION IO9 

in topical filing. Or the employment office may receive a 
requisition for a clerk whose work is very simple and re- 
quires no ability whatsoever in arithmetic. In the former 
case, a stenographer who did not possess ability in topical 
filing would probably prove unsatisfactory. In the latter 
case, a clerk who did have ability in arithmetic would be a 
waste of human material, especially if such a clerk were 
urgently required for another position which did require 
that faculty. Obviously, therefore, it is desirable to make 
arrangements by which specifications could be made more 
flexible, so as to cover any situation which might arise. 
This can be done by means of the requisition blank. To 
begin with, a copy of the standard specifications must be 
kept in every office covering the tasks being done in that 
office. A complete set of specifications is kept in the em- 
ployment office. The ordinary requisition for help may 
therefore be made by merely marking on the requisition 
blank the name or symbol of the particular specifications 
to be filled. However, when an exception arises for which 
the standard specifications are not adequate, the form 
already described can be sent to the employment office, 
where it can be used as a basis for selecting the proper 
applicant. In this manner, a considerable degree of flexi- 
bility may be had. 

There is nothing theoretical or abstract about the 
procedure described. All of these measures and more 
have been worked out in detail and put to practical use 
with increasingly good results. Nevertheless, a word of 
warning must be given. In the first place, the activities 
enumerated here as elementary or fundamental are neither 
comprehensive nor final. It may be possible to analyze 
them into other still more fundamental activities. Cer- 
tainly, there are many kinds of work besides those named 



no EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

which call for fundamental abilities not included in this 
analysis. The same criticism applies to the tests given 
here to detect fundamental faculties. They are not final 
or perfect, and they must therefore be applied to work of 
other kinds with discretion. In each case, the work must 
be carefully studied, and tests tried out in a preliminary 
fashion to discover their adequacy. Particularly is this 
true of the standards which are to be used as a basis of 
employment. The work of one employer may make it 
necessary for him to have a much higher type of stenog- 
rapher, let us say, than the work of another. These 
standards can be determined only by means of actual 
experiments conducted on the field. To be sure, the de- 
velopment and standardization of tests elsewhere will 
make each new application increasingly simple, and the 
trained psychologist will have to expend less and less 
effort in preliminary experiments as the technique and 
material of his science grow. 

In the second place, it is necessary to determine, in 
every case, the relative importance of the abilities in- 
volved. For instance, ability in spelling may be very 
important for a stenographer and somewhat less important 
for a typist. Arithmetical ability may be very important 
for a statistical clerk and also important, though less so, 
for a record clerk. When a group of tests is given to an 
individual, there must be some means by which the results 
are combined in such a way as to give every test its pro- 
portionate value. How are these proportions to be de- 
termined for different kinds of work? This is a problem 
which can be settled only by an immediate study of the 
work itself. The investigator must determine in each case 
what is the relative importance of various faculties in the 
accomplishment of a particular task, whether, for in- 



TESTING TO SPECIFICATION III 

Stance, spelling should count twenty or thirty per cent 
of the total result, whether arithmetic should be valued at 
forty or at twenty-five per cent. The scientific method of" 
determining these proportions is by actually giving all the 
tests involved to a group engaged in the same kind of work. 
The relative importance of the various tests can then be 
computed on the basis of the correlations which are ob- 
tained. The mathematics of this process is outlined in the 
Appendix. 

Hiring by specification, as here described, is not en- 
tirely free from arbitrary and unscientific elements, and 
yet it can be seen that it is a long step in the direction of a 
genuinely scientific procedure. When a quantity of steel 
is required for manufacturing purposes, the first question is 
the exact function which that steel is to fulfill. When this 
is known, the proper specifications for steel which will serve 
that purpose are made and the order placed accordingly. 
The laboratory then makes the appropriate tests to dis- 
cover whether or not the steel which is to be used has the 
characteristics specified. Much the same process must be 
applied to human beings if they are to be fitted for their 
work with the same consideration and care with which we 
usually select steel. 



MACHINE OPERATORS 

The third large division in the manufacturing process in 
addition to inspection and assembling is the operation of 
production machines. Finding operators for these ma- 
chines offers one of the most difficult of all employment 
problems. The turnover among such operators is unusu- 
ally large for a variety of reasons, most prominent among 
which is the monotony and strain of the work. To sit 
day after day watching or feeding a machine which does 
the same operation over and over again in an endless 
chain is indeed work which requires ability and tempera- 
ment of a peculiar kind. 

However, the problem is not merely one of finding in- 
dividuals who can stand the strain; it is also one of se- 
lecting workers who can obtain the maximum output 
from the machines at which they are stationed. It is the 
general practice of production engineers to make a very 
generous allowance for the inefficiency of a machine; but 
as a matter of fact, this allowance should frequently be 
charged against the operator. For the inefficiency of a 
machine is in a large part determined by the ability of the 
operator. A slow or a poor operator means an inefficient 
machine, at least in the case of machines which are semi- 
automatic or entirely fed by hand. The writer has ob- 
served hundreds of hand-fed machines which were only 
fifty or seventy per cent efficient because the operators 
could not feed them fast enough. On the other hand, many 

112 



MACHINE OPERATORS 1 13 

slow machines have been and are being tended by oper- 
ators capable of feeding the fastest machines efficiently. 
This discrepancy is evidently due in large part to the fact 
that there has been no way of distinguishing beforehand 
between operators who are naturally quick and those who 
are naturally slow. To be sure, shops which are well 
managed will in time eliminate the workers who are too 
slow; but this is a long and expensive process. Besides, 
the process does not work so well the other way, and fast 
operators who are placed at slow machines are often con- 
tent to remain there. 

In attacking this problem, the first task was obviously 
to find some means which would make it possible to dis- 
tinguish at the very outset between applicants who were 
able to operate fast machines and those who could not. 
A general survey of the work which had previously been 
done in this field by psychologists brought to light the 
Bogardus fatigue apparatus. This apparatus had been de- 
signed and put into use by Bogardus as a test for machine 
operators. ("American Journal of Sociology/* XVII, 
1912; "The Relation of Fatigue to Industrial Accidents.") 
Its purpose was not to distinguish between fast and slow 
operators but to detect the relation between fatigue among 
machine operators and industrial accidents. The ap- 
paratus consists of a small round table over which two 
arms are revolved at given speeds. At the edge of the 
table is painted a little square, and the person being tested 
is asked to take a small wooden cube of the same size 
and place it exactly upon this square. As often as the 
cube is put in place, one of the revolving arms comes 
around and knocks it off to one side of the table. The 
operator's task is to pick it up and replace it on the square 
before the next arm can come around and knock it oflF 



114 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

again. The experimenter believed that an operator could 
do this more rapidly and successfully at the beginning of 
a day when fresh, than at the end of a day when fatigue 
had set in. He further believed that if this could be dem- 
onstrated, it would also follow that machine operators 
were more liable to accidents toward the end of the day 
than in the morning, for the same reason. 

The manner in which this experiment was conducted 
and the merits of its results are not of particular interest 
here. However, the apparatus seemed very promising 
for the purpose of separating the slower from the faster 
operators. A similar apparatus was therefore constructed 
and tried out. To begin with, tests were given to twenty 
operators in order to familiarize the experimenter with the 
use of the apparatus, the giving of directions for it, and 
scoring the results. As a result of these preliminary tests, 
certain difficulties were discovered. First, the construc- 
tion of the apparatus was such as to make accuracy of 
performance impossible. For instance, each time the arm 
struck the cube on the square it would knock it off onto a 
different part of the table. This condition became worse 
as the speed of the rotating arms was increased, and fre- 
quently the cube would be knocked entirely off the table 
and would have to be picked up from the floor. This 
factor might have been a desirable one, and a measure 
of the operator's resourcefulness, had it not been for 
a second difficulty. It was practically impossible to score 
the results. The operator hardly ever placed the cube 
exactly on the painted square, but each time the angle 
or degree of displacement was different, making it ex- 
tremely difficult for the experimenter to make any score 
on the mistakes of the operator. Even if the observer 
had been able to estimate the misplacement in every 



MACHINE OPERATORS II5 

case, the speed at which the apparatus worked made 
it almost impossible even to see the cube's position after 
it had been placed; for the arm would cover the cube be- 
fore the hand could be taken away. Sometimes, the hand 
was not taken away quickly enough and the revolving 
arm collided with it, slowing down its revolution. This 
would still further increase the difficulty of scoring. Add 
to this the fact that it required the experimenter's entire 
attention to keep the apparatus moving properly, and it 
will be seen that the difficulties of obtaining a proper score 
on an individual's performance were almost insurmount- 
able. This difficulty naturally deprived the apparatus of 
much of its value as a test. A third important drawback 
was the difficulty of revolving the arms at speeds which 
were both constant and readily adaptable to the pur- 
poses of the test. The electrical control which was tried 
out was found much too troublesome and expensive for 
the purpose. 

In spite of these difficulties, it seemed as if the principle 
of the test were correct and, therefore, it was decided to 
design a similar apparatus which would obviate the dif- 
ficulties found in the original. In designing this test, the 
first step was to find out exactly what kind of work ma- 
chine operators were doing. It seemed unreasonable from 
the outset to assume that one test could apply equally 
well to all kinds of machine operators, for the work of 
operators is as variegated as the work of clerks, stenog- 
raphers, packers, assemblers, and others. If special tests 
were needed for these varieties of work, it seemed logical 
to suppose that machine operators of different kinds 
would also require different kinds of tests. Therefore, 
only one type of machine was chosen. The operation 
finally chosen was that of hand-feed dial machines. A dial 



ii6 



EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 



feed machine has a revolving table ringed with holes or 
pins which the operator has to keep filled with the parts 
upon which the machine is operating. In some shops these 
dials revolved very slowly and therefore did not require 
fast operators. In other shops they revolved very quickly 
and required very fast operators. The foreman of the 
largest of these shops stated that seven girls out of ten 
failed to make good as operators on his machines. 

The test which was finally developed to meet these con- 
ditions was similar to, and still quite different from, the 
Bogardus piece. Its motive power consisted of an old 
graphophone motor. The advantages of this motor were 
its comparative compactness and simplicity. On the top 
of the graphophone dial was placed a round, sheet-metal 
disk, large enough so that it projected considerably over 
the edge of the motor box. Near the edge of the disk 
were cut two slots eight inches long and an inch and a half 
wide. These slots were fitted with slides which made it 
possible to regulate the size of the opening. Under this 
disk, and attached to the motor box in such a position 
as to be directly under the slots in the revolving disk, 
was placed a funnel. At the neck of this funnel a Veeder 
counter was attached in such a way that a one-inch steel 
ball dropped through the funnel would cause it to register. 
The object of the test was to revolve the sheet-metal disk 
so that the slots in its border passed over the mouth of 
the funnel at a certain number of revolutions per minute. 
As the slot passed over the funnel, the operator, or person 
being tested, was to drop the steel ball so that it would 
fall through the slot and into the funnel below it, where it 
would be registered. If the ball were dropped on the disk, 
or at one side of the opening, it would naturally fail to 
register. 



MACHINE OPERATORS IIJ 

This apparatus overcame, to a large extent, the difficul- 
ties inherent in the Bogardus piece. In the first place, 
it was so constructed as to make possible a fairly ac- 
curate performance. If the steel ball missed the slot and 
fell on the disk, it was prevented from falling off by a 
raised rim. If the ball fell through the slot but missed 
the funnel, it was caught by a sort of apron which ex- 
tended around the motor box. This apron was constructed 
at a pitch which quickly brought every steel ball to the 
front of the machine into a little depression from which 
the operator had to pick it up. The apron was made of 
tin, and was very noisy at the outset. However, it was 
later lined with heavy felt which subdued the noise very 
effectively. In the second place, this apparatus made it 
possible to obtain an accurate score. Every successful 
attempt of the operator to drop the ball through the fun- 
nel was recorded automatically, which meant, of course, 
that the failures were also registered. The latter was 
facilitated by a Veeder star counter attached to one corner 
of the motor box in such a manner as to engage a pin pro- 
jecting from the bottom of the revolving metal disk. This 
counter registered the revolutions of the disk and, at the 
same time, the number of opportunities for dropping the 
balls given to the operator. The experimenter could there- 
fore devote his entire attention to the operator or person 
being tested. A third advantage was the ease with which 
the revolutions per minute of the disk could be governed 
in contrast with the intricate and expensive control of the 
Bogardus apparatus. Fortunately, the range of the motor 
was exactly suitable for this purpose. Moreover, extensive 
trials showed that the disk would revolve at a constant 
speed for eighteen minutes without the loss of a single 
revolution. After the eighteenth minute, the speed gradu- 



Il8 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

ally dropped off; but eighteen minutes was more than 
enough time for testing one subject. In addition to this, 
the difficulty of the test could be varied not only by in- 
creasing the revolutions per minute but by decreasing the 
size of the slot. By means of the slides, these slots could be 
so shortened as to obtain practically the same effect as that 
obtained by increasing the speed of the machine, though 
with far less effort. 

The preliminary study of typical dial machines had 
revealed that the fundamental requirement was the ability 
to acquire a certain bodily rhythm in feeding material 
into the dial and in timing the movements of the hand and 
arm with those of the machine. Some operators acquired 
this rhythm very readily, others only after a long time, 
and still others never. The problem, therefore, was to 
detect these differences so that the most likely candidates 
could be placed at the most difficult machines, the less 
likely at the slower machines, and those who failed entirely 
at work of another kind. When the apparatus described 
was put into use, it soon became evident that it re- 
quired a knack similar to that required by dial-machine 
operators, and also that it divided the people who tried 
it into radically different classes. The point which re- 
mained to be proved, however, was that those who were 
slow in this test were also slow as dial-machine operators 
and vice versa. In order to determine this, ninety-six 
dial-machine operators in three different shops were tested. 
One of these shops contained slow dial machines, the other 
two contained fast machines. Each operator was given 
three trials of two minutes each, the first two being given 
with the slot wide open, the third with the slot half closed. 
The revolutions per minute were kept constant through- 
out. The results were then compared with the piece-work 



MACHINE OPERATORS 



119 



earnings of these operators, averaged over periods of from 
one to four months, depending on the shop and the number 
of months of production available. In one of the three 
shops a night shift had recently started work and tests 
were given to twenty-one women on this shift. Many of 
these women were immigrants who could not understand 
English, and quite a number were elderly women. How- 
ever, comparatively little difficulty was experienced in 
showing them how to perform the test. The results in all 
cases showed that there was a marked correspondence be- 
tween ability in this test and ability to feed dial machines. 
The results in all groups may be summarized as follows: 

Correlations 





Number 










of operators 


1st trial 


2nd trial 


Srd trial 




tested 








First Shop 


25 


.36 


.40 


•54 


Second Shop. . . . 


22 


.43 


•14 


no trial 


Third Shop 


28 


.41 


.28 


.43 


Third Shop 


21 


.22 


.22 


•50 


(night shift) 











The correlations found are not high in every case, but 
all the correlations obtained on the third trial are uni- 
formly good. This may be due to the fact that the first 
two trials were too easy, whereas the third trial, with the 
slot only half open, more nearly approached the actual 
operation in difficulty. It also seems likely that some 
operators were so set in their regular habits of machine 
operating that they could not readily adapt themselves 
to the changed conditions of this test. The interference 
of previous habits is a well-established psychological prin- 



I20 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 



ciple. Moreover^ it appeared that some of the operators 
had been working at dial machines for periods of from two 
to ten years, while others had been working only a few 
months. Naturally, the old workers would be the better 
operators, even though some of them may not have been 
as promising as some of the newer girls who had not yet 
had much experience. All these factors entered into the 
situation, and still there was a consistent correlation. 
These correlations were high enough to permit the separa- 
tion of all operators into two classes, the fast and the slow 
operators, and this classification suggested the basis 
on which applicants could in the future be assigned to 
fast or slow machines. 

That this test distinguished between slow and fast op- 
erators was still further borne out by the fact that two of 
the four shops mentioned contained slow operators, who 
did correspondingly slow work in the tests. One shop 
had slow machines while the night shift of the other shop 
had very slow operators. Correspondingly, the average 
performance of the night shift in the test was between 
twenty-five and thirty per cent poorer than that of the 
day shift which was made up of fast workers. 

To check the results still further, the test was given to 
sixteen applicants chosen at random from the employ- 
ment office. Only three of the sixteen attained the aver- 
age made by the operators in one of the shops, thus tend- 
ing to confirm the statement made by the foreman of this 
shop that seven out of every ten girls sent in for this work 
failed to make good. 

Besides the test already described, the Scott three-hole 
test was given. This test consists of a board set at an 
angle of 45° with three holes six inches apart forming an 
equilateral triangle. The task of the subject is to push 



MACHINE OPERATORS 121 

a short plunger into each hole in succession as rapidly 
and accurately as possible. A Veeder counter at the bot- 
tom of each hole registers the successful thrusts. The 
results from this test showed very little agreement with 
the piece-work production of the dial-machine operators. 
Neither was there any agreement between the perform- 
ances in the three-hole test and in the machine test. This 
seemxS to indicate that the three-hole test does not apply 
to work of this particular kind. 

Much has been said and written about the sense of 
rhythm and its effect upon continuous repetitions of the 
same operation. The real nature of rhythm and its con- 
nection with, or contribution to, work is, however, only 
faintly understood. Nevertheless, it was perfectly obvious 
to the observer, in watching various kinds of work, that 
the sense of rhythm frequently does play an important 
part, especially in work which is based upon some artifi- 
cial rhythmic stimulus, like the rhythmic action of a 
machine. The body and limbs seem to lend themselves 
entirely to the rhythmic completion of a continuous cycle 
of movements. Now, this tendency was very conspicuous 
in the use of the machine operator's test. Those who did 
well in this test seemed almost at once to fall into a bodily 
swing which enabled them to govern their motions with 
much greater ease and certainty than those who did not. 
Their manner of dropping the ball through the slot at the 
appropriate instant seemed to be mechanical rather than 
studied, and they maintained a poise and control which 
those who lacked this rhythmic swing did not have. 

The conclusions to be drawn from this experiment have 
already been indicated. In the first place, by means of 
this test, it was very clearly demonstrated that there was 
a distinct difference between the average of those who 



Ill EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

came into the employment office and those who finally 
made good as operators. Secondly, an even finer dis- 
tinction was made between the groups of operators who 
had survived at fast machines and those who were working 
at slow machines. Thirdly, in every group tested, whether 
slow or fast, there was a significant correlation between 
piece-work earnings and the performance in the test. 
On the basis of these conclusions, therefore, it was decided 
to use this test in the employment office in order, first, 
to eliminate the slowest and most clumsy operators, and 
secondly, to classify the better applicants for machine 
work of this kind into two groups, those for work on fast 
machines, and those for work on slower machines. This is 
now being done. 



XI 
APPRENTICE TOOLMAKERS AND MACHINISTS 

The choice of apprentices is one of the most important 
of all problems of selection. In most other cases, a mis- 
take is discovered soon after the worker begins to apply 
himself to the work for which he has been hired. The ap- 
prentice, however, is not expected to show much ability 
or skill at the outset. He is engaged as a pupil rather than 
as a worker, and it may be months before he begins to 
give definite promise of success in his chosen trade. The 
usual duration of an apprentice course is four years and 
apprentices are bound for the period of the course. The 
training and instruction spent upon them and the equip- 
ment placed at their disposal make mistakes of selection 
in this field very costly indeed. The problem of selection, 
therefore, resolves itself into an attempt to choose, at 
the very beginning, the boy who is likely to succeed in the 
long run. 

Moreover, it is becoming increasingly necessary to ex- 
ercise the same degree of care in the choosing of men for 
a similar purpose. The immediate necessity for tool- 
makers and machine-tool operators has so far exceeded 
the supply naturally resulting from apprentice schools 
that it has been found advisable to begin intensive-train- 
ing shops. The purpose of these shops is to take green 
men and, in the course of a few weeks or months, train 
them to do the more simple work of toolmaking or han- 
dling a machine tool. Where intensive training of this kind 

123 



124 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

is practiced and where the need for trained men is imper- 
ative, it is all the more urgent that those to whom this 
training is given should be men who are able to assimi- 
late it. 

The experiment upon which this chapter is based was 
performed in a shop designed to give a short course of 
intensive training to prospective machinists and machine- 
tool specialists. Three groups of men comprising thirty- 
five in all were tested. Five tests were given and three of 
these showed a consistent correlation with the rank of 
those tested. These three tests were the Stenquist me- 
chanical assembling test (see Chapter VII), the cube 
test, and a form-board test based on test number 51 but 
much longer and more involved. The cube test consists 
of a three-inch cube, painted green on the outside. The 
cube is cut into twenty-seven one-inch cubes. The large 
cube is placed before the subject and he is told that it will 
be demolished into twenty-seven small cubes and that he 
must restore them so that the large cube looks exactly as 
it did before, viz., green on all sides with no wood color 
exposed. Each subject is allowed to do this twice. The 
more complex form-board test really consists of two 
form boards. On one board, the cut-outs are promiscu- 
ously arranged, on the other they are arranged in a definite 
order; but the same cut-outs are used for both boards, 
the task being to place them from one board into the other. 
Incidentally, this solves the problem of always presenting 
the cut-outs to each subject in exactly the same position. 

These tests were given first to the twelve men composing 
the day shift. The members of this shift with one ex- 
ception had been working from three to -five weeks. All 
of them had begun as green hands. After the tests had 
been given, the chief instructor and foreman of the shop 



APPRENTICE TOOLMAKERS AND MACHINISTS 1 25 

was asked to rank the men in the order of their ability 
to learn the prescribed work. At the same time, he was 
asked also to rank his men according to the opinion he had 
formed of them when they first came into the shop. The 
method by which these ranks were obtained is probably 
worth describing for the aid which it may be to other 
experimenters. 

It had been found that, usually, when a foreman is 
asked to rank the men or women under him, he is unable 
to rank them in any but the crudest form. He may call 
one group good, another fair, and a very few, poor. This 
crudity is often due to the fact that it is extremely difficult 
to make an accurate classification mentally. In order to 
overcome this difficulty, the name of every person tested 
was written on a small card. The pack of cards was then 
handed to the foreman and he was asked to divide all 
the men into three equal groups, according to their ability. 
This was comparatively easy. Having done this, he was 
next asked to take each group and arrange the cards in 
it in the same way. Thus, by dividing the work and by 
making the mechanics of the classification simple and 
helpful, an unambiguous and probably more reliable 
result was obtained. The tests were then also ranked 
and compared with the ranking of the men being trained. 
The correlations found were: plus .81 for the form-board 
test, plus .75 for the cube test, plus .84 for the Stenquist 
test, and plus .90 for the three tests combined. These 
correlations are unusually high, but they were based not 
on the foreman's first impression of the men but his ma- 
ture opinion after having been in close contact with them 
during several weeks of intensive training. (The foreman 
knew nothing whatsoever of the performance of the men 
in the tests when he made his rankings.) The ranking of 



126 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

the foreman based on his original impression of the men 
correlated with the three tests only to the extent of plus 
.28, thus showing that in the course of training the men, 
his opinion of them underwent a considerable modifica- 
tion, a modification which resulted in bringing his final 
conclusive ranking of the men into very close harmony with 
the ranking immediately given by the tests. 

Several particular examples were very conspicuous. A 
young soda-fountain clerk who had been admitted into 
this course was originally considered very promising by 
the foreman, so much so that he was retained after the 
completion of the intensive training as a handy man 
around the machines. The foreman's original ranking 
of this man was four. In the course of time the foreman 
found that the ability and intelligence which he had 
attributed to him were considerably in excess of what he 
really possessed. Indeed, the foreman expressed himself as 
quite disappointed in him and finally ranked him as 
nine. This happens to be exactly the rank which was 
immediately given to the man by the tests. It seems that 
the superior education and polish which he possessed, and 
a pleasant, willing disposition, had enabled him to make a 
very good impression on the foreman at the outset and 
during the first few weeks; but these virtues did not have 
the same influence on the tests as they had on the foreman. 
Another conspicuous case was that of a sixteen-year-old 
boy who began in the shop as a helper and apprentice. 
This boy was overgrown, rather slipshod in appearance, 
and gave one the impression of not being very wide-awake. 
The foreman's original impression placed him tenth among 
all the men in the shop. In the tests, however, this boy 
was extremely bright and successful, ranking first in one, 
second in another, and fifth in the third. The foreman's 



APPRENTICE TOOLMAKERS AND MACHINISTS \TJ 

opinion of this boy, after seeing his work for a month, was 
such as to raise his rank from tenth to fifth. If the indica- 
tions given by the tests are reliable, this boy will rise still 
higher in the opinion of the foreman. There were several 
similar cases. In one, the foreman's original rank was 
eight, his subsequent rank four, and the rank in all the 
tests four. Another man was ranked by the foreman first 
as five, then as twelve, and by the tests as eleven. Still 
another was twelve, then eight, and six in the tests. The 
decided trend was to confirm the value of the ranks which 
had been obtained on the basis of the tests. The eleventh 
man according to the foreman was twelfth according to 
the tests; the first, first; the tenth, ninth; the second, 
third, etc. In brief, the testimony of the tests, given 
immediately by a half hour's examination, was a remark- 
able forecast of what the opinion of the foreman-instructor 
was to be after having known the men and trained them 
intensively for a period of several weeks. 

No conclusive decision as to the value of these tests can 
be based upon only twelve cases. However, it is almost 
impossible to obtain a large number of apprentices who 
have been trained under uniform conditions, for an equal 
length of time, by the same instructors. Preliminary to 
the experiment under discussion we had given seven 
tests to over two hundred apprentices in two of the largest 
manufacturing companies in the country. However, the 
difficulties encountered in obtaining a uniform ranking of 
each apprentice were so great that it was practically 
impossible to compute the significance of the tests. The 
intensive-training shop presented greater uniformity of 
conditions than had so far been met with. 

In addition to the day shift there were two evening 
classes. The pupils in these classes were tested and the 



128 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

results computed in the manner previously described. 
Below is a table showing the correlation between the final 
rankings of each foreman and the ranking based on three 
tests taken together: 

Correlations 

1st Group (12) . 90 

2nd Group (11) 65 

3rd Group (12) 50 

The correlations in groups two and three are not as high 
as those in the first. However, group two had met only 
sixteen times which, at two and one-half hours a session, 
meant only four days of actual work. The third group 
had met only twelve times, which meant only three days 
of actual work. Consequently, although the correlations 
between the opinion of the instructors and the rank of 
the pupils in the tests are already sigsaificant, their true 
significance cannot be stated until more time has elapsed. 
It may or may not be significant that the trend of the 
correlations varies directly with the length of time which 
has expired. 

In order to obtain a true estimate of the ability of a 
group of apprentices and trained workers, it is necessary 
to give to the entire group a thoroughgoing practical 
examination in the work which they are supposed to have 
learned. Very few apprentice schools make a practice of 
this precaution. They assume that when a boy has passed 
through their various grades and classes of work, he is 
qualified to serve as a full-fledged journeyman. This 
assumption is patently unjustified. Moreover, it in- 
creases the difficulty of obtaining reliable information 
about the relative abilities of a class of apprentices and 



APPRENTICE TOOLMAKERS AND MACHINISTS llg 

consequently the difficulty of discovering the value of a 
certain group of tests. 

Some apprentice shops take it upon themselves to give a 
test to those who wish to enter. The test usually is one 
in the essentials of arithmetic. Naturally, a prospective 
toolmaker should be able to perform certain mathematical 
operations before he is allowed to enter the course, and 
the best way in which to determine this is by an actual 
mathematical test. (See Appendix, test number 47.) 

The results of this experiment indicate a very decided 
significance in the tests applied. One of the most im- 
portant facts about these tests is that they have nothing 
whatsoever to do with the acquired ability or education of 
an individual in the work of toolmaking. The foreman- 
instructor of the first shop, for instance, an expert tool- 
maker, was excelled in the tests by more than a third 
of his men including the sixteen-year-old boy. The pur- 
pose of these particular tests, as distinguished from the 
trade tests which will be described later, is to detect a 
person*s innate ability, the faculty for thinking in ways 
which will be of value when applied to the work of a 
machinist or toolmaker. As has been stated at the 
outset, they are intended to serve as a forecast of what an 
apprentice will be able to do after he has been trained for a 
considerable length of time. 



XII 

GENERAL INTELLIGENCE 

A Dialogue 

CHARACTERS 

Mr. Williams: Manager of Workers^ Service Department. 
Mr. Lambert: Head of Employment Division, 
Miss Nelson: Head of Psychological Section,. 
Miss Hurlbut: Psychological Examiner, 

Mr. Williams: If you were asked, Mr. Lambert, to 
name the one most important fact about an applicant, 
what would it be ? I mean, if you were compelled to base 
your selection of applicants upon a single quality, which 
quality would you choose? 

Mr. Lambert: I should choose intelligence, by all 
means. 

Mr. W: Yes, I believe that I should too. And I believe 
that most employment interviewers would also look for 
intelligence first. What do you think. Miss Nelson and 
Miss Hurlbut? 

Miss Nelson: Perhaps I could answer that question 
better if Mr. Lambert would tell me just what he means 
by intelligence. 

Mr. L: Why, Miss Nelson, if you don't know what 
intelligence is I don*t see how I or anybody else can tell 
you. Intelligence is just plain intelligence. 

Mr. W: That is a perplexing proposition, Miss Nelson; 

130 



GENERAL INTELLIGENCE IJI 

but maybe we can help out by giving you a few synonyms 
or brief definitions of the word. I am sure that Mr. Lam- 
bert could do that. For my part, I should like to suggest 
mental alertness, the ability to analyze a situation and 
also to follow instructions. 

Mr. L: I suppose that does cover the ground pretty 
well, only I should say that intelligence was simply ability 
to learn — to catch on or take hold as the foremen would 
say. 

Miss N; And would you apply these definitions to all 
intelligence whatsoever? 

Mr. L: Yes, I should. Except, of course, that there 
are degrees of intelligence just as there are of everything 
else. Still I believe that all intelligence can be boiled 
down to ability to learn. 

Miss N; Then what would you say to a case like this? 
When I taught school, I had some children who were very 
good in arithmetic. They could learn to do a problem in 
half the time usually required by the slower pupils of the 
class. They seemed to have a special faculty for catching 
on^ as you termed it, or for taking hold of arithmetic. And 
yet, these very same pupils, when it came to geography, 
showed the utmost denseness. On the other hand, I had 
pupils who were very good in geography and very poor in 
arithmetic. Now which of these pupils would you call 
the more intelligent, Mr. Lambert, those who could learn 
arithmetic best or those who could learn geography best? 

Mr. L: I don't think that I should call either more 
intelligent. I should simply say that each group was 
intelligent, but in a different way. 

Miss N: That is exactly what I thought, and that is the 
problem which always confronted me in my school work. 
Every pupil seemed to have his own peculiar aptitudes. 



132 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

Some were most intelligent in arithmetic, others in spell 
ing, still others in geography, some in English, some in' 
manual training, and so on. To be sure, there were pupil 
who did uniformly well in all their subjects, and some who 
did uniformly poor work in everything; but they seemed 
to be the exception rather than the rule. Even the most 
stupid or most intelligent seemed to have especial prefer- 
ence or excellence in some line of work. Now, take your 
own boy, Mr. Lambert. When I had him in the eighth 
grade I remember distinctly that he was very fond of 
arithmetic and manual training and had very good marks 
in these subjects, but he did not do very well in spelling 
and in grammar. 

Mr. L: You are right. And since he has gone to high 
school his marks in English literature and rhetoric have 
been very poor, but he has led his classes in mathematics 
and physics. He seems to have a peculiar bent toward the 
sciences. 

Miss N: That is what I expected of him. My former 
pupils, those whom I can follow, are all developing in 
different directions. But how would you define the 
intelligence of such pupils ? Would you average up their 
abilities to learn in the different subjects and call the result 
their general intelligence? 

Mr. L: Why, I suppose we should have to. 

Miss N: Then your son, in spite of his brilliance and 
promise in the sciences, would be brought down to a much 
lower level of intelligence by his inability to learn the 
languages. 

Mr. L: I suppose so. But that won't worry me if he 
turns out to be a first-class chemist or engineer. 

Mr. W: I think I see what Miss Nelson is driving at, 
and maybe I can help her out. When you are interviewing 



i 



GENERAL INTELLIGENCE I33 

a candidate for work, Mr. Lambert, you usually have in 
mind some particular kind of work, I believe? 

Mr. L: Yes. Nearly every applicant has a certain 
choice and we try to follow that as much as possible. 

Mr. W: Suppose a man applies for work as an engineer. 
We have just admitted that intelligence is the most 
important thing to look for. Would you, in interviewing 
this man, look for his general intelligence — that is, for his 
average knowledge of English, geography, history, arith- 
metic, engineering, and so forth — or would you be in- 
terested in his engineering ability alone? 

Mr. L: Primarily the latter. As long as he has ability 
as an engineer, it wouldn't matter much if he were below 
the average in other respects. 

Mr. W: And if a candidate applies for a job as tool- 
maker, would you be interested in his general intelligence, 
or in his ability as a toolmaker? 

Mr. L: Why, in every case when I interview a man I 
look for some special kind of intelligence, because almost 
every job requires intelligence of a different kind. -- 

Miss N: Then you don't hold it against a man if his 
intelligence in other respects is likely to bring his general 
average down? 

Mr. L: Certainly not. We can't all be good in every- 
thing. Miss Nelson, as you yourself have just shown us. 

Mr. W: Miss Hurlbut, you are the latest among us to 
come from college; you ought to be able to give us the 
last word of science on this subj ect. What does psychology 
have to say about intelligence? 

Miss Hurlbut: As I remember, most psychologists 
define intelligence as the ability to profit by trial and 
error. 

Miss N: That is as much as to say the ability to learn. 



134 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

And what do you think this definition adds to that of 
Mr. Lambert and Mr. Williams? 

Miss H: I am afraid it is just as vague and ambiguous. 
It doesn't seem to say anything at all about ability to 
learn in a special way or in a particular subject, which is 
what you have just been talking about. Still, not all 
psychologists give this definition. There is a later school 
of applied psychologists who define intelligence in a way 
which I am sure will meet your requirements. 

Mr. L: And what way is that? 

Miss H: Well, I can't seem to remember that they 
exactly define intelligence. They measure, rather than 
define it. By means of tests such as the Binet-Simon 
series and other intelligence tests they can tell pretty 
accurately how much intelligence a person has. 

Mr. L: Oh, yes. I have heard about the intelligence 
tests. They used them in the army very extensively. 
And the Binet-Simon series is used in many schools. But 
are we not using the same tests here? 

Miss H; Not any more — except that we make occa- 
sional use of the Binet-Simon scale. 

Mr. W: Indeed? Please tell us a little more about 
the Binet-Simon tests, Miss Hurlbut. What are they 
like? 

Miss H: Well, they require a person to repeat sentences 
that grow longer and longer; and numbers of increasing 
size. And they ask questions as to what you would do 
if you were late to an appointment, or what path a cannon 
ball would take if shot from one level to another; and the 
diflference between words like poverty and misery, evolu- 
tion and revolution; and the meaning of words in a long 
vocabulary; and a great many other things. There are 
different tests for every age. The vocabulary test is the 



GENERAL INTELLIGENCE I35 

most important, however. It is supposed to be worth 
about forty per cent of the total. 

Mr. L: My son would probably get a pretty low mark 
in that test. 

Miss N: And quite likely in the whole series, because 
there are very few arithmetical tests in the Binet-Simon 
intelligence scale. 

Mr. W: Are these tests supposed to be for general 
intelligence? 

Miss H: Yes. There are a great many little tests and 
the total average gives the general intelligence or intel- 
lectual age level of a person. 

Mr. W: But isn't that what we have just been talking 
about? Mr. Lambert says that he is not looking for 
general intelligence in the employment office but for 
specific ability like that of a toolmaker, or accountant, or 
engineer. 

Mr. L: Oh, I don't mean to say that we don't want 
general intelligence. I believe that general intelligence is a 
good thing. But usually we have to be contented with 
some one who is not so intelligent in a general way but 
more so in his own line. This is an age of specialization, 
as you say, and we are only too glad if we can get men who 
know their own specialty and know it well. 

Mr. W: It seems to me that this matter of general 
intelligence is largely a matter of education and depends 
upon the amount of schooling a man has had. 

Mr. L: Yes, and we have many a workman who is an 
expert in his line who hasn't had a grammar-school educa- 
tion and who would make a pretty poor showing in general 
intelligence. 

Miss N: What finally convinced me that we, in our 
own psychological work, were on the wrong track in this 



136 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

matter of general intelligence were the results of some of 
our occupational and trade tests. When we began giving 
these tests we believed in general intelligence and we used 
to include so-called intelligence tests. However, we soon 
found out that our idea of intelligence and the kind of 
intelligence required by a certain job did not agree at all. 
And in all of our tests, we found that some people did 
specially well in one kind of test while others did well in 
another kind. 

Mr. L: Well, that agrees with my experience. As I 
just said, we in the employment work have to hire people 
on the basis of their ability in one particular line. We 
can't expect them to be generally intelligent. 

Mr. W: But how about imbeciles and idiots, Mr. Lam- 
bert? Certainly you could weed them out by means of an 
intelligence scale. 

Mr. L; Miss Nelson and Miss Hurlbut can tell you 
more about that than I because they have been giving 
tests for that very purpose. 

Miss N: Yes, we used to think it very important to 
eliminate people of that kind and we gave tests with that 
in mind. But out of over six thousand applicants we have 
tested in the last year, only three were morons, as they are 
called; and as it takes from an hour to an hour and a half 
to give only a part of the intelligence-scale tests, we soon 
gave up using them. It is possible to detect morons 
roughly by almost any test, and especially by means of the 
directions which go with the test. If the ordinary tests 
prove too much for them we can make use of the in- 
telligence scale. 

Mr. W: What became of the morons you found? 

Miss N: We assigned them to some simple machine 
work and they turned out to be excellent operators. They 



GENERAL INTELLIGENCE lyj 

were very quiet and steady. One of them, by the way, we 
discovered by her attempt to do the hard-directions test. 
She stumbled along until she got to the direction: "Tell 
where the sun rises, in the east or in the west?*' She 
pondered over this for a while, and then remarked: "That's 
a hard one." "Why, don't you know where the sun rises? " 
asked the examiner. "No. I used to know but I forgot," 
was the answer. Yet we found that this g^'rl had the 
ability to do something and do it well. 

Mr. W: But how about the higher grades of intelli- 
gence ? 

Miss N: There again we find that no matter how high a 
person's general intelligence may be, it does not follow 
that he will be especially intelligent in a certain kind of 
work. For instance, another girl who took the test I 
mentioned came to the same question and put down as 
her answer: "The sun does not rise, but the earth revolving 
around its axis makes it seem as if it came up in the east." 
This girl was a high-school graduate and above the average 
in intelligence, but she did not make good at the clerical 
work for which she was hired. 

Mr. L: But how about the tests which you have been 
giving? Don't you test for intelligence? 

Miss H: Yes, Mr. Lambert, but not for general in- 
telligence. We give tests of different kinds for different 
purposes; of one kind for inspectors, tests of a quite differ- 
ent kind for assemblers, and tests of still another kind for 
clerks, and so on. Why, even our clerical tests, which we 
began giving to all clerks, soon proved to be too general. 
For instance, we used to place a good deal of emphasis on 
ability in the filing tests, but we soon found that many 
clerks could do the work expected of them very well 
without being good in filing. The same thing happened 



138 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

in a good many other cases, so now we have adapted our 
tests to test only for the special abilities required. As long 
as we failed to do this, we hired a good many applicants 
who were high in general intelligence but not high enough 
in the particular ability required of them. 

Miss N: Yes, and we rejected many who were low in 
general intelligence who would have done very well at 
certain kinds of work. You see, people have a very strong 
tendency to think of general intelligence as they do of 
education. They think of it as a thermometer, and they 
believe that the higher the grade or degree, the higher the 
intelligence. They carry the same idea into industry; for 
they believe that the positions in an industry are graded 
according to degrees of intelligence. 

Mr. W: Well, are they not? 

Miss N: Certainly not. Jobs and positions in industry 
are based not on degrees of intelligence, but on kinds of 
intelligence or ability. To be sure, every kind of ability 
has degrees; but it takes much finer tests than general- 
intelligence tests to determine what these are. 

Mr. W: What do you think of that, Mr. Lambert? 

Mr. L: I believe that Miss Nelson is right. As I said 
before, the employment office is interested first of all in 
finding out what kind of ability an applicant has, and what 
he can do best. As you yourself have often said, Mr. Wil- 
liams, this is an age of specialization. We certainly find 
it so when it comes to filling the demands and requisitions 
for men and women to fill the many kinds of positions 
which we have here. And it seems that Miss Nelson and 
Miss Hurlbut have quickly reached the same opinion 
which I have had for a long time without- quite knowing 
it, although they came by it in a quite different way. 
What is your opinion, Mr. Williams? 



GENERAL INTELLIGENCE I39 

Mr. W: Well, I confess that I had something of the 
same opinion from the beginning; but I wanted to find out 
especially what you, as a practical employment man, and 
our more inexperienced and, as we thought, more theoret- 
ical, psychologists thought about the subject. I expected 
to find some disagreement between the two viewpoints 
but I was very pleasantly surprised. We began this dis- 
cussion by saying that the one most important fact about 
an applicant was his intelligence, and we defined intelli- 
gence in general as the ability to learn. All the other 
definitions seemed to boil down to that. But now we seem 
to have agreed that there is no such thing as general 
intelligence, and that, if there were, it would be of little use 
to us in employment work because we are interested in 
specific abilities or kinds of intelligence and not in degrees 
of intelligence ^d'r se. Is that a fair statement of the argu- 
ment? 

Mr. L: Yes, it suits me. 

Mr. W: In that case I can only repeat the sentiment 
which you attributed to me a few minutes ago, Mr. Lam- 
bert. This is certainly an age of specialization. 

Miss N: Yes, Mr. Williams; and that is just the point. 



XIII 

LANGUAGE AND LITERACY TESTS 

Hitherto, a large proportion of the tests used by psy- 
chologists to detect intelligence have been language tests, 
or verbal tests, as they are usually designated. These 
tests are based entirely upon the use of words, and ability 
in them rests upon the degrees of quickness with which the 
individual can associate certain given words with other 
related words. The following samples of well known and 
very popular verbal tests will serve as illustrations: 

I. PART- WHOLE RELATION 

Write after each word the name of the object of which 
it is a part, as in the first two samples. 

page book 

blade knife 

etc. 
leaf., 
finger 
wheel 

city ^ 

inch ' " 

letter ^ 

2. NAMING OPPOSITES 

Write after each word in the column below, its opposite^ 

as in the first few samples. 

140 



LANGUAGE AND LITERACY TESTS I4I 



hot 


cold 


large 


small 




etc. 


white 




good 




fast 




friend 




catch 




height 





3. VERB-OBJECT 

Write after each word in the column below the word 
which would be a natural object, as in the first few samples. 

read book 

bake bread 

etc. 
sing 
wash 
chew 
learn 
mail 
sweep 

4. ADJECTIVE-NOUN 

Write after each adjective below the name of an object 
to which it refers, as in the first few samples. 



sharp 
hot 


etc. 


knife 
fire 


dusty- 
blue 







142 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

raw 

fine 

deep 

ripe 

5. CONTEXT TEST 

Fill in each blank space in the paragraph below with 
the most appropriate word. 

The only thing that in our power to is 

to the advantageous use possible of the 

personal we possess, and accordingly to follow 

such only as will call them into , to 

after the kind of perfection of which they admit 

and to every other; consequently, to choose 

the , occupation, and manner of which 

are most for their development. 

6. COMPLETION TEST 

Complete the following sentences, by adding a subject 
and an additional adjective, as in the first samples. 

A trunk is convenient and portable. 
Her taste is refined and delicate. 

is ridiculous and 

is interesting and 

is important and 

is probable and 

is tapering and 

Besides these there are other similar tests such as the vo- 
cabulary test, the mixed or miscellaneous association 
test, the free association test, the action-agent test, and 



LANGUAGE AND LITERACY TESTS I43 

SO forth. The essential feature in all of these tests is 
the association of words or phrases with each other under 
the guidance of some dominant idea. 

In relying so largely on tests of this type, psychologists 
have been very much under the influence of the literary 
or academic tradition. A majority of the earlier tests 
were devised in institutions of learning, where they were 
tried out on members of the student body. Moreover, 
the study of psychology has been more closely linked with 
academic and liberal arts courses than with the strictly 
scientific departments. (Until recently psychology has 
been considered a phase of philosophy.) Now, the educa- 
tion given by academic and liberal arts schools consists 
largely of the inculcation of certain general ideas on general 
subjects in such a way that the student shall be able to 
talk and write about them with some degree of fluency. 
The accepted way still in which to judge the amount of 
knowledge acquired by the college man is to test his verbal 
ability in certain general topics of economics, sociology, 
English literature, philosophy, psychology, and so forth. 
Chemistry, physics, and mathematics are shining excep- 
tions to this rule, and, coincidentally, these three subjects 
are the most difficult for the average student. With the 
predominance of the verbal or the literary tradition in 
education, it is not strange that many psychologists, 
so closely linked up with this tradition, should have so 
decided a leaning toward the use of verbal or language 
tests. The tremendous popularity of Muensterberg's 
association tests still further accounts for the present 
popularity of verbal tests. 

Since psychology has emerged from its strictly academic 
environment and has begun to apply itself to the more 
realistic varieties of industrial life, the inadequacy and 



144 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

limited scope of verbal tests is becoming more and more 
apparent. The reason for this is that the vast majority 
of industrial occupations do not depend so much upon 
verbal agility or the gift of words, as upon ability of hand, 
eye, foot, trunk, and combinations of these. This does 
not mean that the activities involved in these occupations 
do not require mental agility. As a matter of fact, they 
frequently require intellectual ability of an extremely 
high type. However, the kind of mental agility involved 
is not necessarily the kind which expresses itself in a fluent 
use of words. Scientists, for instance, or inventors may 
be very poor in verbal tests and yet highly remarkable 
for their ability to formulate scientific laws or devise in- 
tricate and ingenious mechanical devices. Many a tool- 
maker or draughtsman is very slow in naming the op- 
posites to a list of words such as that given, but very 
quick in setting up and turning out a difficult piece of 
work or in making a complete drawing from a rough 
sketch. To the unbiased mind of the layman, instances 
like these are probably too obvious to need elaboration. 
But even the psychologist, setting out with a penchant 
for verbal tests, is bound to see in time their comparative 
insignificance when applied to a vast majority of human 
activities. 

Looked at from another point of view the verbal tests 
described are entirely too general to be of much value 
in differentiating between the various abilities required 
by the various kinds of work. Verbal tests as used 
hitherto have been aimed at the discovery of general in- 
telligence rather than specific abilities. The so-called 
Trabue Language Scale is a good example of this tendency. 
However, agility in the use of words is only one kind of 
ability and is by no means synonymous with general 



LANGUAGE AND LITERACY TESTS I45 

intelligence or general ability. How trenchantly this fact 
is indicated by the somewhat derisive epithet gijt of 
gab. 

The use made of verbal tests in the course of these ex- 
periments has demonstrated that their value is confined 
to kinds of work requiring verbal ability. In the case of 
typists and stenographers, for example, context tests were 
found to be particularly apt. This was to be expected, 
since ability in typing and in stenographic work involves 
ability in the use of words. The grammar test may also be 
placed in this category. Verbal tests were also found to be 
significant in connection with the work of certain kinds 
of clerks, particularly correspondence, telephone, and 
inquiry clerks. In general, verbal tests should be very 
significant in all cases where verbal ability is essential. 
Salesmen, orators, promoters, writers, ministers, actors, 
entertainers, and so forth are all greatly dependent on the 
gift of words, and to the occupations and professions 
which they represent language or verbal tests are par- 
ticularly applicable. 

If verbal tests are to be applied to occupations where 
verbal proficiency is not a chief requisite, they must be 
adapted to the limited vocabulary of the particular class 
of workers to be tested. Every trade or job has certain 
words or phrases, the names of specific tools and processes, 
which are peculiar to it. Almost every worker is at home 
in the vocabulary of his own trade, more so than in a 
general or literary vocabulary. Therefore, instead of 
verbal tests consisting of general words and meanings, 
we can have tests made up of the words and names 
characteristic of a given job. The context test, for in- 
stance, can be arranged for toolmakers somewhat as 
follows: 



146 



EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 



CONTEXT TEST FOR TOOLMAKERS 

a. To make a pulley, the work is done on a 

First set the work in a Then drill a hole through 

the center of the work and enlarge it to the correct di- 
ameter with a In order to turn the face of the 

pulley, it is forced upon an and placed between 

the of the lathe. It can then be to the 

proper size and shape. 

b. To make a reamer, cut off a piece of stock to the 

proper length. Then put a in each end. Place 

on one end and place the work between 

of a and turn down to the proper diameter. 

c. To cut teeth, a machine is used. First 

place an and tail stock upon the 

of the machine and adjust the proper in 

the spindle. The number of cut is determined 

by the number of turns the handle of the 

is moved. A shank mill or cutter may be used. 





Key to Test 




a. 


h. 


c. 


I. lathe 


I. center 


I. milling 


2. chuck 


2. dog 


2. index head 


3. reamer or boring tool 


3. centers 


3. table 


4. arbor 


4. lathe 


4. milling 


5. centers 




5. cutter 


6. turned 




6. teeth 

7. index head 

8. angle or fluting 

9. fluting 
10. arbor 



It will be seen that this is not a test for general verbal 
ability but for the specific ability to name the proper tools 



LANGUAGE AND LITERACY TESTS 



147 



and processes which are concerned in the work of a tool- 
maker. The same principle can be followed in a wide 
variety of other occupations. Another adaptation of a 
language test is the following part-whole relation test: 



PART-WHOLE RELATION 



The names in the left-hand column represent the parts. 
Each of these is to be read to the applicant who is to state 
the whole of which it is a part. The name of the whole is 
given in the right-hand column. 



"T" mill 
chuck 
centers 

long-tailed dog 
index head 
face plate 
steady rest 
clapper box 
saucer wheel 
saddle 
tail stock 
strap 

chasing dial 
vertical head 
spiral finishing tool 
parallel 
spotting tool 
collet 

compound nest 
white lead 
magnetic chuck 
mandrel 
diamond 
forming tool 
cup wheel 
spring bushing 



milling machine 

lathe or milling machine 

lathe or grinder 

lathe 

milling machine 

lathe 

lathe 

planer, shaper 

grinder 

planer 

lathe or milling machine 

milling machine or planer 

lathe 

milling machine 

planer or shaper 

milling machine or shaper 

lathe 

milling machine 

lathe 

lathe 

surface grinder 

lathe or milling machine 

grinder 

lathe 

grinder 

lathe or milling machine 



148 



EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 



finger 

hob 

tool post 

gang cutters 

boring tool 

nut arbor 

spllning attachment 

thread dog 

rotary attachment 



planer or cutter grinder 

milling machine 

lathe 

milling machine 

lathe 

lathe or milling machine 

milling machine 

lathe or milling machine 

milling machine 



Another variation of the verbal test is a slight modifi- 
cation of the vocabulary test. Instead of asking the 
applicant to define the meaning of a list of words, a list 
of names of various kinds of tools is presented to him, and 
he is asked to check those which apply particularly to his 
trade. The following list is an illustration : 



Tools used by a toolmaker are to be checked 



file 


mallet 


drill 


nail 


reamer 


jack plane 


chisel 


plumb 


brace and bit 


emery cloth 


hammer 


wrench 


trowel 


winch 


sandpaper 


miter box 


square 


dividers 


white lead 


gauge 


chalk 


wattock 


awl 


level 


gimlet 


shaver 


knife 


pliers 


soda 


drift pin 


strap 


spanner wrench 


dog 


screw driver 


putty 


protractor 


arbor 


micrometer 



LANGUAGE AND LITERACY TESTS I49 

finger caliper 

cutter rule 

saw hand planer 

hatchet adze 

In this manner some idea of a toolmaker's tool vocabulary- 
may be gained. 

Vocabulary tests have been among the most popular 
of language tests, especially among laymen. However, 
from the practical and scientific standpoint, such tests 
are very inadequate. In the first place, it is extremely 
difficult to give a vocabulary test. In order to make it 
significant there must be a long list of words to define. 
Now, if these words are to be defined in writing, the test 
takes too much time. If the words are to be defined 
orally, the person to whom the definitions are recited has 
to make rapid and arbitrary decisions as to their correct- 
ness. There is no objective certainty in such a procedure. 
In any case, the test does not lend itself to scientific render- 
ing and marking. Moreover, even if there were not these 
difficulties, there is a grave question as to the value of such 
a test for practical purposes. A large vocabulary is not 
necessarily a sign of mental ability or reasoning power. It 
may be simply the inevitable concomitant of a broad gen- 
eral education or course of reading. On the other hand, 
men with a very poor vocabulary may have unusual abil- 
ity in a great many different directions. If the vocabulary 
test is to become at all significant, it, too, will have to be 
specialized to meet special needs. For instance, an elec- 
trical engineer requires a very definite vocabulary in 
certain respects. So do the mechanical engineer, the chem- 
ist, the metallurgist, the fuel engineer, etc., etc. Vocabu- 
laries which are made up of words relevant to a particular 
kind of task or ability will be of much greater value for 



150 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

employment purposes than general vocabulary tests or 
vocabulary tests per se. 

Although specific language tests like those given have 
been of undoubted value in the selection of employees, 
experience has hitherto tended to prove that their chief 
value lies in their ability to eliminate the most unfit. 
Those who know nothing whatsoever about a certain 
kind of work will fail signally in these tests, and thereby 
eliminate themselves from the necessity of further inter- 
viewing. On the other hand, there are those who have a 
bowing acquaintance with a certain kind of work, sufficient 
to enable them to pass the language tests. Actual trials, 
however, may reveal that their verbal ability was some- 
what in excess of their actual ability. In spite of this 
limitation, language tests, when properly devised and 
applied, are of great help in the selection of the best 
workers available. 

LITERACY TESTS 

One of the great industrial problems of the day is the 
problem of literacy. When a foreman or gang boss gives 
a set of orders and finds a little later that his orders have 
been entirely misunderstood and that as a result great 
damage has been done, his patience is sorely tried. And 
yet this is only a single, though typical, instance of the 
results of illiteracy. Recently, this problem became par- 
ticularly acute in a large manufacturing concern, the 
principal difficulty arising over the inability of many 
machine operators to make out their own work tickets. 
In order to make out these tickets, only the simplest 
knowledge of arithmetic and English was required. 
Nevertheless, so frequent had been the mistakes in addi- 
tion and subtraction and in failure to understand the 



LANGUAGE AND LITERACY TESTS I5I 

use of the card, that it was decided henceforth to eliminate 
all applicants who were below a certain standard of lit- 
eracy. Before deciding upon that standard, it was essen- 
tial to try out a number of tests of varying difficulty. The 
test which was finally decided upon was as follows: 

1. Name 

Address 

17 178 

2. Add + II Subtract — 12 



3. (a) Draw a line through the biggest number. 3 86 28 

(b) Write a number larger than 107. 

(c) Put the number 6^ on the longest line. 

4, (a) Copy "When I am hurt I go to the hospital." 



(b) Write these numbers on the lines on the right-hand side. 



2 
17 



346 
5894 



Basis for marking 

1. Legible figures 15 points 

2. Legible letters 15 

3. Correct arithmetic. . . .22 

4. Correct copying 22 

5. Spelling II 

6. Judgment 15 

100 points 



152 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

This test was given first to thirty machine operators in a 
large shop. It was found that some of the best operators 
were poorest in this test and vice versa. In other words, 
literacy was not essential to operating ability. It was 
obvious, therefore, that if this test were used as a basis for 
selection, some extremely good operators would be elim- 
inated. For this reason, it was decided to give the tests 
in the employment office in an experimental rather than 
in a final way, pending the further determination of the 
practical results. 

Over one hundred applicants were given this test and 
hired regardless of their work in it. At the same time, 
however, the spatial perceptions form-board test described 
in Chapter IV was also given. The value of this test was 
immediately apparent, both because of the ease with 
which it could be given and the qualities which it tested. 
Any individual, of any tongue, could understand quickly 
the essential problem; namely, putting the pieces back 
into their proper place. And in doing this, a certain kind 
and degree of intelligence were also involved. 

From the outset, it was evident that there was no agree- 
ment between literacy and ability in the form-board test. 
Each of the two tests involved a different kind of ability. 
In the next place, a follow-up, initiated to find out what 
would have been the results if the literacy test had been 
used as a basis of selection, showed once more that there 
was no consistent agreement between literacy and ability 
as a machine operator. In fact, if this test had been used 
as a criterion, fully forty per cent of those who later be- 
came good operators would have been eliminated. This, 
at a time when labor was very difficult to obtain, would 
have been quite disastrous. On the other hand, the form- 
board test showed a positive correlation with the subse- 



LANGUAGE AND LITERACY TESTS 1 53 

quent work of these men, thus indicating that in one way 
at least the form-board test was more significant than the 
literacy test. 

On the basis of these trials, and in view of the labor 
situation, it seemed inadvisable to use the literacy test at 
the time. Indeed, it was more profitable for the time 
being to let the illiterate workers go on as before, and to 
have special clerks pay particular attention to their work 
tickets, in order to insure their being properly made out. 
In spite of this temporary arrangement, however, the 
time is undoubtedly at hand when literacy tests must be 
given, and when at least an elementary knowledge of 
English will be required on the part of every applicant. 

The problem of illiteracy is a vital one and one which is 
offering serious difficulties in classifying workers. When 
the United States conscript army was mobilized, one of 
the great hindrances to its proper training and classifica- 
tion was illiteracy. The same difficulty described here 
on a small scale was experienced there on a vast scale. 
The only genuine solution for this difficulty is education. 
In the meanwhile, however, it is necessary to make 
temporary classifications. These can be made super- 
ficially, by means of form boards and mechanical tests 
which do not require any language ability. 



XIV 

THE TECHNIQUE OF GIVING TESTS 

Psychology, like every other science, has a distinct 
technique. This technique consists of certain well-defined 
and accurate methods of procedure. Giving tests, for 
instance, seems comparatively simple to one who is not 
familiar with the methods of psychology. However, 
there are minute details to consider and directions to 
follow of which the untrained individual has no concep- 
tion. The technique of giving tests, like the technique of 
the physician and chemist, can be acquired in its com- 
pleteness only by careful study and continued practice. 
An error in method, so slight as to entirely escape the 
uninitiate, is likely to render the results meaningless. 
The care of the chemist in weighing and mixing his com- 
pounds is well known. The psychologist must be even 
more careful and painstaking, because he is working in the 
most delicate and sensitive medium known; namely, the 
human mind. 

Although the technique of psychology, so far as it has 
been developed, can be acquired only by years of study and 
training, there are certain phases of it which the more 
casual student can learn in a shorter time; just as there are 
phases of mixing chemicals which one can learn without 
becoming a fully trained chemist. The purpose of the 
present chapter is to discuss some of the fundamental and 
more obvious features of giving tests, such as must be at 
the command of the employment manager who wishes to 
give them. 

154 



THE TECHNIQUE OF GIVING TESTS 1 55 

One of the most frequent questions put to the psy- 
chologist is this: "Is not the person whom you are testing 
likely to be nervous, and, if so, is this not likely to destroy 
the value of your tests?" This question must be un- 
hesitatingly answered in the affirmative. Subjects are 
frequently nervous and their performance in the tests is 
therefore often non-characteristic. When a doubt arises 
as to the fitness of an applicant of this kind, justice re- 
quires that the applicant be given the benefit of the 
doubt. However, there are serious objections to this 
practice. If the examiner is allowed to set aside the 
results of the tests according to his own ideas as to 
whether a subject was very nervous or only slightly 
nervous, the scientific character of the psychological ex- 
amination disappears and the old-fashioned method of 
individual judgment is allowed to slip back into its 
place. 

Instead of this arbitrary procedure another method has 
been devised. This consists of giving the subject a shock- 
absorber. The shock-absorber is a preliminary test, the 
purpose of which is solely to overcome the initial excite- 
ment of the subject. It is not counted in estimating the 
final results. The shock-absorber must have two char- 
acteristics. First, it must be easy. If it is difficult, it 
will only serve to increase the nervousness of the in- 
dividual being examined. Secondly, it must be interesting. 
The object of the test is to engage the attention of the 
subject as completely as possible, thereby drawing it 
away from himself and from the harassing situation in 
which the applicant for a position usually finds himself. 
Experience has demonstrated that the best way in which 
to overcome an applicant's nervousness is by giving him a 
pleasant and easy task to perform. If the task is easy, it 



156 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

will restore his confidence in himself. If it is pleasant and 
interesting, it will put him at ease. 

This method is better than the conversational method; 
for the process of setting a person at ease through the me- 
dium of words is an exceedingly delicate one. The slight- 
est sharpness or abruptness in the examiner's tones may- 
only serve to increase the nervousness of the subject. 
Consequently, while it is desirable that the examiner should 
keep up a current of cheerful and more or less irrelevant 
talk, the less strenuous his efforts in this respect are, the 
better. He should rely upon his conversation only to 
cover up awkward pauses and to make clear his directions. 

The tests chosen to serve as shock-absorbers will vary 
widely with the nature of the other tests which are to 
follow. No one test or set of tests can be prescribed as 
ideal shock-absorbers. For every type of examination, 
the preliminary test must be selected on the basis of long 
experience and many trials. In the experiments described 
here, certain tests have been selected for this purpose. 
For example, the shock-absorber given to inspectors is 
the manual-dexterity test. This test is also given to ma- 
chine operators for the same purpose. In fact, a simple 
form-board test of some kind is one of the best tests for 
this general purpose. Besides being easily understood, 
it requires almost no directions and no technical ability. 
One of the best form-board tests for this purpose is the 
pictorial completion test, a colored picture with various 
details cut out. The picture must be completed by re- 
storing the cut-outs to their proper places. This test is 
both extremely interesting and funny. It usually puts the 
subject in a very good humor. For clerks, stenographers, 
assemblers, and higher classes of workers, this test has 
proved a very successful shock-absorber. 



THE TECHNIQUE OF GIVING TESTS 1 57 

After the preliminary test has been given, the regular 
tests should follow continuously, and the results be re- 
corded. Here again, unless the utmost care is exercised, 
difficulties are likely to arise. Take, as an example, the 
matter of starting tests. Before beginning a test, it is 
necessary to give some kind of starting signal. The word 
go is a very simple and commonly understood word, and 
suggests itself readily for this purpose. Nevertheless, 
this little word is full of danger, as a momentary consider- 
ation will make clear. The examiner may finish his direc- 
tions to the subject for a given test with the following 
words: "Now, at the word go^ turn over the sheet and do 
just what you have been told. Do it as carefully and as 
quickly as possible, but do not rush. Ready? Go!'' 
Whereupon the subject will rush through the test with the 
speed and nervousness of a sprinter who has been set off 
by a pistol. The words ready and gOy harmless as they 
seem, are associated with all the tenseness and excitement 
of a race, and consequently tend to induce, by suggestion, 
the same state of tenseness and excitement in the mind of 
the person being tested. Even if the examiner does not 
utter them in the sharp tones of one starting a race, the 
effect is likely to be the same. Instead of preserving the 
calmness which has just been induced in the subject, 
they induce another state of nervousness, possibly more 
acute than the preceding one. There are times when it 
is desirable to promote such a state of mind and to obtain 
a result which is based upon frantic effort. However, for 
the purposes of employment, it is much more desirable 
to obtain a characteristic result, one which conforms more 
nearly to the applicant's ordinary state of mind and speed 
of motion. 

Therefore^ the examiner should be careful to avoid 



158 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

exciting the applicant through the inflections which he 
places upon such critical words. He should say these 
words monotonously, rather than in a way which will 
suggest a violent push from behind. And in order still 
further to avoid the state of emotion suggested by the 
word go it has been our practice to use the word ^^ start'* 
instead. This word serves the purpose perfectly and is 
free from the significance of the word go. This may seem 
like a very trivial detail. However, experience has dem- 
onstrated the importance of just such details, and before 
there can be any thoroughgoing uniformity in the pro- 
cedure of giving tests, there must be perfect agreement, 
both theoretical and practical, in details of this nature. 

The time which the applicant occupies in taking tests 
need not be an empty time for the examiner. In fact, the 
expert examiner is usually busiest while waiting for his 
subject to finish a test. Besides watching the stop watch, 
and being on the alert for any signs of faltering on the 
part of the subject, he can be preparing the next test or 
correcting the test which has just been completed. The 
correcting of tests is one of the most irksome parts of the 
psychologist's work. Therefore, if he can do it while he is 
actually conducting an examination, he will not only save 
a great deal of time and labor in the future, but he will 
also have the results of the examination ready almost as 
soon as the applicant has completed the tests. Many 
devices and short cuts are used to facilitate the process of 
correcting tests, such as making out correction keys, and 
using cardboard stencils which, when laid on the test, 
will cover up all but the parts which must be examined. 
These are only a few of the many details in the complicated 
technique which the psychological examiner must acquire. 

Closely allied with this particular point is the use of the 



THE TECHNIQUE OF GIVING TESTS 1 59 

Stop watch. In nearly all psychological tests, the use of a 
stop watch is essential. To be sure, much finer time- 
recording instruments are used by psychologists; but for 
the practical purposes of employment, the split-second 
stop watch is accurate enough. The question of impor- 
tance, however, is the manner in which this watch is to be 
used. If the subject is allowed to see the watch^ he will 
become aware of the fact that he is being timed, and this 
is Hkely to make him self-conscious and to increase his 
"nervousness'*. Therefore, it is better to keep the watch 
as far as possible concealed. For this purpose, a table 
with a shelf in place of a drawer will prove very con- 
venient. The examiner can keep his watch on this shelf, 
out of sight of the subject but under his own eyes, and 
easily within his field of action. It is also wise to have two 
stop watches; for it quite frequently happens that one 
runs down or gets out of order without the knowledge of 
the examiner. The occasional use of a second watch, 
started "in team" with the first, will call attention to 
this defect. 

A necessary part of every examination is the recording 
of the subject's name, age, and a few other facts which are 
necessary for the records of the examiner. If possible, 
these facts should be obtained before the applicant is 
sent to the psychological examiner. However, where this 
is not practicable, no questions should be asked until the 
tests have been given. It has been found that asking 
questions is very likely to make the subject uneasy. There 
are, to be sure, examiners who can ask questions in such a 
way as to set an applicant quite at ease. However, here 
again the personal equation enters in. In order to safe- 
guard against this uncertainty, the method of giving a 
shock-absorber was devised. There is less chance of 



l6o EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

clumsiness and lack of uniformity when this method is 
used than when the matter is left to the discretion of the 
various examiners. The questions which must be asked 
can then be asked at the conclusion of the tests when the 
effects will no longer be of consequence. 

Another important factor in the successful giving of 
tests is an attitude of assurance on the part of the ex- 
aminer. This is particularly true where tests are being 
given in shops and offices for experimental purposes. 
There is always a possibility that some worker will resent 
being tested. An apologetic and conciliatory air on the 
part of the examiner will encourage the exhibition of this 
hostility if it is latent. An attitude of complete assurance 
will cause its repression. The examiner must conduct his 
examination as if it were the one important thing in the 
world. The response will in most cases be a reflection of 
this suggestion. This does not mean, however, that the 
examiner should be abrupt or over-confident. An air of 
presumption is extremely likely to provoke the very 
hostility which the examiner is trying to avoid. In ad- 
dition to this, a policy of entire frankness is conducive 
to cooperation on the part of those being tested. In the 
course of the experiments which have been described, it 
was the unfailing practice to make a brief and direct 
statement as to the purpose of the tests, and to place this 
statement in the hands of all those affected. This was 
usually done through the foreman or through some other 
member of the shop whose character would vouch for the 
motives behind the experiment. When this was not 
sufficient and the workers being tested were inclined to 
ask for further information, the information was always 
given. In fact, some very excellent suggestions from the 
workmen were obtained in this way. 



I 



THE TECHNIQUE OF GIVING TESTS l6l 

In giving an examination composed of a series of tests, 
every preparation should be made so that each test will 
follow the other with a minimum of delay. Nothing so 
disturbs an individual in such a situation as periods of 
uncertainty and suspense. Therefore, all materials should 
be arranged in order and in completeness, so that the ex- 
aminer is ready to start explaining the next test at the 
same instant in which the subject completes the previous 
one. This sounds like a comparatively simple matter; 
but any one who has given tests knows that it is an art 
which can be acquired only by a great deal of practice. 
An observer, standing over the expert examiner and watch- 
ing him as he gives one test after another, is struck with 
the smoothness and dispatch of the process. He does not 
realize that there are intricacies and devices here which 
were developed only after months of experiment and 
practice. The psychologist, familiar with the minutiae 
of his technique, can impart this knowledge to a novice 
in a comparatively short time. The novice, however, 
if left to himself, may blunder for months without develop- 
ing the necessary technique or acquiring a knowledge of 
the significant details. The technique of giving tests 
is, in this respect, much like the game of chess. One 
who is not familiar with the game may watch its interesting 
moves for hours without comprehending their meaning. 
To give a psychological examination without awkward 
moves, simple though it appears, is a game which, like 
the game of chess, requires explanation and rules. The 
psychological examiner must acquire the technique of this 
game. 

One of the most important features of this technique is 
the matter of giving directions. Something has already 
been said about this in the paragraph on starting the test. 



1 62 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 






However, before a test can be properly started, it must be 
properly understood by the subject who is taking it. To 
give directions that will be misunderstood is one of the 
easiest things possible. One never discovers the many 
possible meanings a word can assume until he uses that 
word in giving directions to a large number of people. 
One of many experiences of this kind will serve as an 
instance. In developing the directions for the number 
checking test (8) described in the first experiment, the 
examiner originally directed the subject to put a mark 
after every number that contained both a ^'i "and a '*7**. 
Some subjects put down a V-shaped check, while others 
put a dash like this '* — **. Obviously, the first took a 
longer time than the second, and since the purpose of the 
test was not to test a person*s ability to make marks, this 
was a source of error. Consequently, the directions were 
changed to read: "Put a straight line after each number," 
etc. This resulted in the attempt on the part of certain 
subjects to make a mathematically straight line in every 
case. This also was an undesirable feature, because the 
purpose of the test was not to discover the subject's ability 
to draw straight lines. Moreover, some subjects made 
long and deliberate lines, while others made them short 
and dashing. If all the words necessary to make these 
directions absolutely clear and unmistakable had been 
included in the final directions, the result would have been 
something as follows: "Make a quick, straight dash, 
about an eighth of an inch long, after each number, " etc. 
Obviously, such directions would have defeated their end, 
because, by the time they had been given, the subject 
would have forgotten the most of them. Therefore, a 
part of the directions was given by the examiner as an 
actual demonstration. The examiner would say: "Make a 



THE TECHNIQUE OF GIVING TESTS 1 63 

quick dash like this ** — and here he makes a quick, straight 
line, about an eighth of an inch long, in the appropriate 
place — "after each number which contains," etc. 

The instance described is only a single, small detail 
in the process of developing directions for a certain test. 
Every set of directions is filled with minute details of 
a similar nature. In fact, it is practically impossible to 
work out a set of directions which shall be perfect at the 
outset. In developing the directions for the tests which 
were used in the present experiments and which are given, 
in part, in the Appendix, it was the practice to keep a 
blank card of directions for each test. This card was 
carried with the test to which it belonged, and whenever a 
mistake or a possible ambiguity in the wording of the 
directions was noted, that fact was recorded on this card. 
In this manner, through a long series of tests and actual 
experiences, the best possible set of directions for a par- 
ticular test was arrived at. It is safe to say that a set of 
directions for any one test can not be made perfect or 
fool proof until it has been tried on at least fifty different 
subjects. No one, more quickly than the psychologist, 
learns the richness of meaning which even the simplest 
word contains. No one, therefore, should be better able 
to guard against mistakes arising from this source. 

To minimize the mistakes likely to arise from the 
ambiguity of words, the psychologist has several courses 
open to him. One of these has just been illustrated. It 
consists of supplementing his words with the action 
which he intends the subject to perform. A simple demon- 
stration like this is often more lucid than a paragraph of 
words. However, whenever the examiner assumes the 
burden of demonstrating his own directions, care must be 
taken always to demonstrate according to some standard 



164 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

practice. This practice should be written up in the most 
detailed and accurate form, and illustrated with examples 
so far as possible, so that other examiners, giving the same 
test and using the same directions, may likewise be giving 
the same demonstration and thereby obtaining the same 
standard results. As a supplement to this step, it is 
always advisable to give the subject a short preliminary 
trial in the test which he is about to take. Only in this 
way can the examiner be sure that his directions have 
been fully comprehended. To the unsophisticated mind, 
it may seem sufficient if the examiner, after having given 
the directions as clearly as possible, asks the subject: 
"Now do you understand?'' and, upon receiving the 
answer "Yes," proceeds with the test. However, no 
matter how intelligent the subject may appear, it is never 
safe for the psychologist to assume that his directions are 
grasped until he has had an actual preliminary demon- 
stration on the part of the subject showing that they are. 
Many subjects only think that they understand, when, asi 
a matter of fact, they do not; or they understand thej 
wrong thing. Therefore, it is always advisable to give a 
very short, but characteristic sample of the test, in order 
to insure perfect comprehension on the part of the person 
being examined. This sample should always be of thej 
same length and kind, to insure every subject the same 
degree of instruction and practice. 

Sometimes it is impossible to make the directions for a 
test clear enough. In that case, the difficulty probably 
lies with the test itself. This was the case in the Bogardus 
fatigue test described in Chapter X. The number of 
reactions made possible by this test, were so numerous and 
variable, that it was also impossible to score the results. 
In such a case, it is necessary either to give up the test or 



THE TECHNIQUE OF GIVING TESTS 165 

modify it until directions can be given which shall cover 
its scope of possibilities. The simplest solution of this 
problem is to perfect a test until it is self-explanatory. 
That is, make the test so perfect that it can be given with 
a minimum of directions. The most successful tests in 
this respect are the form-board tests and the machine 
operator's test. When a form board is placed in readiness 
before a subject, it is almost possible to comprehend the 
task to be performed without any oral directions. The 
empty spaces in the board are apparent, and the pieces are 
there. Nothing is more natural than to pick up the pieces 
and put them in the spaces where they seem to belong. 
In the machine operator's test described in Chapter X, 
it is perfectly obvious that the task is to drop the steel 
balls through the opening at the proper instant. 

In the performance of the tests themselves, there are 
many details to be watched. When the assembling tests 
were being given to assemblers, one of the difficulties to be 
overcome was due to the oil which clung to the hands of 
those who were assembling oily parts. The men taking 
the form board test which requires placing triangles into 
their proper spaces frequently had difficulty because this 
oil caused the very small triangles to stick to their fingers, 
making it very difficult to do the act quickly. The same 
difficulty is likely to arise in warm weather, due to hands 
that are moist with perspiration. It is advisable, there- 
fore, always to have a good wiping and drying cloth at 
hand, so that those who are being tested may not suffer 
from an unnecessary handicap. 

Another point which may seem quite trivial but which is 
very important is the use of pencils. In every test which 
does not depend entirely upon the subject's ability to 
handle a pet pen, it is advisable to use pencil. The pencils 



1 66 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

used should be of a uniform hardness — a number two 
hardness is probably best — and should always be kept 
sharpened, though not so sharp as to make them likely to 
break off. It is also very important that they be without 
erasers. This seems like a strange condition, but any one 
who has given tests knows how likely a subject is to make a 
mistake and then to use up time trying to erase it. In 
order to obtain more uniform results, and in order to 
avoid including in the test a trial of the subject's ability to 
make erasures, it is better to have pencils without erasers, 
and to instruct the subject to cross out his mistakes. 

Much can be surmised about the education and training 
of an applicant by observing the manner in which he uses a 
pencil. Frequently, there are applicants for certain kinds 
of work who can hardly read or write, and who handle a 
pencil very clumsily. These applicants may fall down 
decidedly in certain tests. Nevertheless, if given a trial 
at actual work, they may succeed very well. For this 
reason, tests which require a certain amount of education, 
and skill in the use of a pencil, should never be held against 
an applicant unless he is being tested for that very thing. 
For example, in these experiments, there were inspectors 
who did very poor work in the number-checking test, the 
cancellation test, and the card-sorting test. Still, they 
were excellent inspectors. They were girls who had come 
to this country very recently and had not had time to 
learn how to read English, or how to use a pencil, or how to 
scan a printed page. Where the tests themselves are 
inadequate, that fact should be recognized, and due allow- 
ance made. It has been our practice always to recommend 
such applicants for a trial, using the best possible empirical 
judgment to supplement the limitations of the tests. 

As the use of tests becomes more and more prevalent, it 



THE TECHNIQUE OF GIVING TESTS 1 67 

will become increasingly necessary to prevent duplication. 
A person, making application for a job a few months after 
having been examined and rejected for the same position, 
is likely to do much better work in the tests. If a second 
and even a third trial is allowed, the essential nature and 
meaning of the tests will be radically changed. There- 
fore, some definite decision must be made on the course 
to be pursued in such a contingency. Should a second or 
third trial be allowed, and should an individual be graded 
on the basis of his improvement during the interval? The 
answer to this question must be Yes and No. As will be 
pointed out in greater detail further on, tests are of two 
general kinds: first, tests designed to bring out an in- 
dividual's innate ability; and secondly, tests designed to 
make clear his degree of training, education, and expe- 
rience. As instances of the first type, we may mention 
the cancellation test, the form-board test 51, and the 
tachistoscope tests. Although training does play a part 
in the performance of these tests, nevertheless native 
quickness and alertness are the most important factors. 
As examples of the second type we may name the multi- 
plication and division tests, the spelling test, and the 
dictation tests. These tests are intended to measure the 
degree of education which has been secured by the appli- 
cant. Where tests to determine native ability have been 
given, no second trial should be allowed, except in so far as 
the second result is used to show the effects of practice. 
Where the object is to discover the degree of education, 
any number of trials should be allowed. A stenographer, 
for instance, ought to be allowed a second trial after an 
interval of two weeks or a month, because, during that 
time, she may have learned much and acquired a decided 
increase in speed. However, in order to avoid deception 



1 68 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

and also the improvement which comes entirely through a 
familiarity with the tests, it is highly advisable to have 
alternatives — three or four, if necessary — for every test. 
These alternatives will be very much like the originals, 
with such differences as will make it impossible for any- 
one who remembers any details of the first one to profit by 
this experience in taking the second one. 

The increasing numbers in which psychological examina- 
tions are being given has made it necessary to pay an 
increasing amount of attention to the problem of whole- 
sale examination. Until recently, nearly all mental tests 
were given to one individual at a time, and each indi- 
vidual was allowed as much time as he required to com- 
plete the test. This enabled the examiner to devote his 
entire attention to one individual. The advantages of 
this method are obvious. Not only is it possible to give 
the most careful and immediate directions, but it is also 
possible to observe any accidental feature which might 
arise, such as the breaking of a pencil point. However, it 
has become highly desirable, at times, to give the same 
test to a group of several subjects at the same time. This 
method has the advantages and disadvantages connot'ated 
by the word wholesale. It makes possible a larger number 
of examinations in less time, but it also reduces the possi- 
bility of close individual attention on the part of the exam- 
iner. It can not be used with all tests, but only with 
paper tests, or with tests for which the necessary appara- 
tus can be provided in large quantities. The manner in 
which group tests ^ as they are technically known, are given 
has already been partly described. 

This method makes it advisable to^ allow to everyone a 
limited amount of time, instead of permitting each in- 
dividual to complete the test. For instance, in giving the 



THE TECHNIQUE OF GIVING TESTS 1 69 

topical filing test to a class of high-school students, some 
signal, a whistle for example, can be given at the start, 
and then, at the end of three or four minutes, this whistle 
can be blown again as a signal to stop. Since each subject 
is allowed the same time, it becomes unnecessary to con- 
sider the time factor when correcting the tests. The 
grade will consist entirely of the amount of work done 
correctly in the time allotted. In some cases it is desirable 
to give a group test and still allow each individual in the 
group to complete the test. There are various ways in 
which this can be done. One, is to have a large clock with 
conspicuous minute and second hands, from which each 
individual can read his time and note it as soon as he com- 
pletes the test. Another way, and one which is less liable 
to error through mistakes in reading the clock, is to record 
the time on a blackboard in large numerals at five-second 
intervals. This method has been found very successful. 
It requires two to carry it out; one to read the time, the 
other to chalk it up. In order to anticipate the time re- 
quired by the individual finishing the test to look up at the 
blackboard, find the number, and then write it down, it is 
advisable to record the time in such a way as to have the 
number on the board three seconds beforehand. Although 
this method provides for only five-second intervals, this 
will not create a large error in tests which require two 
minutes or more. 

The phases of the psychologist's technique described 
here are by no means exhaustive. They state only cer- 
tain important details with which any one who wishes to 
give psychological tests must be familiar. There are many 
more details of a similar nature, some of them far more 
refined. The object of all these details in technique is to 
promote scientific accuracy and to reduce ambiguity. 



lyo EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

As has been explained in the opening chapter, science con- 
sists of the application of an exact and refined method to 
the study of the facts, in order to produce knowledge which 
shall be: first, knowledge which is free from the inaccu- 
racies and prejudices of the unguided human faculties; and 
secondly, knowledge which is standard; that is, knowledge 
which can be transmitted in unambiguous and indisputable 
terms from one person or time to another. Psychology is 
the science which attempts to apply this method to the 
facts of human nature. To be sure, there are loopholes 
in the technique which has been described and illustrated 
in the preceding chapters. This, however, can be said of 
any science. There is no science, not even the most 
exact, from which the errors due to the human equation 
can be entirely eliminated. However, the technique de- 
scribed in this and in other books on psychology are ample 
proof of the care with which the scientific method is being 
applied where only home remedies were used before. 



I 



XV 

THE VOCATIONAL VALUE OF TESTS 

Every industry is to-day a vocational center. Formerly, 
when each industry consisted of only a small number and 
variety of tasks, only a limited choice of work could be 
offered to an applicant by any one organization. , Now, 
however, most industries comprise such a variety of work 
that a great range of choice is provided. These indus- 
tries, therefore, make it possible for workers to achieve 
success in the field which appeals to them most or for 
which they are best adapted. Not only do industries 
offer the opportunity for choosing and developing a certain 
vocation, but they frequently make it their business to 
help applicants and employees to choose the right voca- 
tion and to acquire the knowledge and practice which go 
with it. This is not done from a sense of duty or charity 
but from a strictly economical point of view. The com- 
mercial success of an industry depends largely upon the 
character of its human equipment^ and the use to which it is 
put. In fact, the importance attributed to-day to voca- 
tional selection and training is largely due to the fact that 
industries have recognized its commercial value. And the 
industries, far more than educational and other institu- 
tions, are setting the pace in its development. As a single 
example of the general recognition given this subject, may 
be cited the National Association of Corporation Schools, 
an association composed of representatives of many of the 
largest industries in the country, which is devoted to the 

171 



172 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

development of vocational and educational work in indus- 
tries. 

The vocational activity of an industry has two as- 
pects — first, the selection of new candidates for the work 
for which by training and education they are best fitted; 
and second, the selection from new applicants and old 
employees of those who are to be given special training for 
certain kinds of work. The first phase is more strictly an 
employment activity, while the latter, although also a 
phase of employment, is more strictly an educational 
activity. Almost every industry of any importance has 
its own educational department or function. The work of 
this department varies with different organizations, but 
in general, it may include the following activities: First, 
an apprentice course in which boys are given a three or 
four year training in tool making, drafting, pattern mak- 
ing, or some other trade, depending upon the particular 
kind of work which predominates in the industry. Sec- 
ondly, training shops or vestibule schools, in which work- 
ers are given a short course of training covering the 
immediate work to which they have been assigned. This 
work may be office or clerical work, salesmanship, as- 
sembling, telephone-switchboard operating, bench work, 
machine operating, or any work which is characteristic of 
the particular industry. Thirdly, periodic classes in sub- 
jects which are of general or particular interest and value 
to employees of the company. Classes in gardening, 
millinery, cooking, basket weaving, telegraphy, stenog- 
raphy, English, mathematics, slide-rule reading, me- 
chanical drawing, are characteristic of this phase of 
educational work. Fourthly, special " Training Courses " 
like those now conducted by many of the railroads and 
larger industries which aim to give a small group of well- 



THE VOCATIONAL VALUE OF TESTS IJJ 

educated and specially qualified young men a general 
knowledge of the work of the organization, with a view 
to preparing them to fill the higher executive positions. 

In the first flush of enthusiasm with which various 
organizations adopted an educational program, the work 
of education was often carried on in a most profligate and 
indiscriminating manner. Often it was done entirely 
without consideration for the needs and benefits of the 
organization fostering it, and as if the industry were 
obliged to educate and uplift, regardlessly, every one of its 
employees. The result of these attempts has been a most 
unfavorable discrepancy between the energy expended and 
the results achieved. Instead of solving the vocational 
problems of the organization, the practice created new 
problems which the organization was left to settle. Out 
of these earlier unsuccessful trials, the following princi- 
ples have emerged: First, the primary aim of the educa- 
tional work carried on within an industrial organization 
is to train employees for immediate usefulness within the 
organization itself. Secondly, the more general forms of 
education can be better carried on and, from every point 
of view, should be conducted by community rather than 
private enterprise. 

Even when vocational education is considered in Its 
most practical aspect, the organization still raises the 
questions: How far shall our educational facilities be ex- 
tended? How shall we guide the right employee into the 
right course of instruction? How can we guard ourselves 
against wasting effort by teaching the wrong thing to the 
wrong man? These are exactly the questions which the 
employment manager must also ask when he is in the act 
of hiring a new employee; for nearly all work involves a 
certain amount of training and education, and any mistake 



174 



EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 



in selecting applicants for jobs has the same result which 
arises from selecting the wrong man for a certain course of 
instruction. Employment and education, therefore, pre- 
sent the same problem, the problem of how to select the 
proper individual for the proper vocation or vocational 
training. It is in its contribution to the solution of this 
problem that the vocational value of tests resides. 

For the purpose of vocational selection, all individuals 
may be roughly divided into four classes, according to 
two factors, ability and training. We may show the four 
possible combinations of these two factors by means of the 
following table: 



Natural ability 


Natural inability 


Good training 


Poor or very little 
training 



The four possible combinations to be deduced from this 
table are: (i), those with natural ability supplemented by 
special training in some special field; (2), those with 
natural ability but with no particular training; (3), those 
with poor natural ability but a thorough training in some 
particular activity; (4), those with neither training nor 
ability. The word training is used here to cover both 
education and experience. All individuals, however, 
whether they are already enrolled in an organization and 
looking for or being sought for other work, or whether they 
are new candidates, first applying for a position, may be 
roughly classified under these four heads. 

The first task of vocational selection or training is to 



THE VOCATIONAL VALUE OF TESTS I75 

discover these facts. Until they are known, no intelligent 
choice can be made. For instance, when a boy, either 
within the organization or without, applies for admission 
to the apprentice course, a course which occupies a period 
of years and which is very costly, the question as to 
whether this boy has the necessary prerequisite education 
and the natural ability to succeed is sure to arise. He has 
undoubtedly had some education, but whether his educa- 
tion has gone far enough, or whether he has profited by his 
educational opportunities to the extent of being able to 
handle the necessary mathematical problems, is a matter 
which must be carefully determined. In addition to this 
it is necessary to know whether the boy possesses the 
natural ability which will enable him to succeed as an 
apprentice. How shall these two very important facts be 
determined? This is just the question for which psy- 
chological tests provide the answer. 

Ail tests may be divided roughly into two kinds: Those 
designed to discover an individual's degree of innate 
ability in certain directions, and those designed to measure 
the extent and quality of an individual's previous training 
and acquired ability. This distinction is by no means a 
clear and sharp-cut one, for every test whatsoever involves 
to some extent both natural or innate ability and the 
ability due to training and education. The tests described 
in preceding chapters have already made this fact clear. 
However, for practical purposes, tests may be divided into 
these two general kinds. When, therefore, the question of 
vocational training or selection arises, the application of 
these tests makes it possible to discover what the natural 
and acquired abilities of an individual are and under 
which of the four heads given he is to be classified. Let 
us take, for instance, the case of the candidate for appren- 



176 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

ticeship. It is necessary to discover, jfirst of all, what this 
candidate's training has been, particularly his education in 
mathematics. In order to ascertain this he is given a 
mathematical test. This test will indicate quite clearly 
whether the boy has had the necessary preliminary educa- 
tion and whether he is sufficiently well up on what he has 
studied to warrant immediate admission into the course. 
However, in addition to this it is desirable to know 
whether the boy possesses the right kind of natural ability 
to make him a successful journeyman. This is a more 
subtle problem; but in order to obtain a forecast of the 
boy's development, tests which have previously proved 
their significance in this respect are given. These tests, 
described in the chapter on tests for apprentices, do not 
involve education or training in any particular subject but 
rather the ability to think and act quickly and appro- 
priately in certain desirable directions. When these two 
facts have been ascertained; namely, the boy's education 
or acquired ability, and his capacity or innate ability, it 
can be intelligently decided whether or not he should be 
taken into the apprentice course and trained in the voca- 
tion of a tool maker or some other trade. 

To take another illustration, let us consider an applicant 
for the position of stenographer. Such a candidate may 
be said to have already chosen her vocation. However, 
it is nevertheless a question whether her choice and her 
training make her valuable enough in that vocation to 
justify her selection by the employment office. In order 
to decide this question it is necessary to know, first of all, 
whether she has the necessary education in the fundamen- 
tals of her work. To determine this, spelling, grammar, 
and punctuation tests are given. Besides this, it is neces- 
sary to know whether she has had the necessary training 



THE VOCATIONAL VALUE OF TESTS I77 

and practice in stenographic work, and in order to discover 
this, the dictation and transcribing tests are given. If 
these tests show that the candidate possesses the requisite 
education or acquired ability, it may be advisable to 
engage her. However, in order to know still more accu- 
rately her real value, it is desirable to give her tests 
calculated to gauge her innate or natural ability. The 
number-letter substitution test and the alphabetical-filing 
test are generally given for this purpose and are tests 
of speed and accuracy of a kind usually involved in sten- 
ographic work. The topical filing and hard-directions 
tests are tests to measure the individual's reasoning or 
analytical ability. If the candidate does well in all of the 
tests, she is quite valuable, for being well trained and 
possessing natural ability, she is likely to develop into a 
very capable worker. 

Now, let us suppose that the candidate shows by her 
performance in the tests for acquired ability that she has 
had a very poor training in dictation and transcribing. 
Shall she be engaged or not? If, in addition to her poor 
training in these respects, she also shows lack of education 
in spelling, grammar, and the fundamentals of the com- 
mon-school education, it would probably be unwise to 
engage her for stenographic work. And, if in addition to 
her poor education, she displays a lack of innate ability by 
her performance in the group of tests given for this pur- 
pose, the decision would be quite obvious. On the other 
hand, if the applicant has natural ability, a good common- 
school education, and is lacking only in ability to take 
dictation and transcribe, it is very advisable to engage her 
for a trial, or for special training in the fields in which she 
is v/eak. Fler inability in dictation and transcribing may 
be due to poor training or to poor opportunities, and may 



178 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

therefore be deficiencies which, under favorable condi- 
tions, the natural capacity of the worker can easily over- 
come. Workers of this kind are of the utmost potential 
value, and should be given the most careful consideration 
by the employment and educational branches. It is in 
discovering cases of this kind that the use. of tests can be 
of great value in helping industrial organizations to 
make the best possible use of the human material at 
their disposal and in providing for the vocational adapta- 
tion of their employees. 

Wherever tests indicate that an applicant for a certain 
kind of work is poor in both ability and training, it is un- 
wise and unprofitable, from the point of view both of the 
individual and of the organization, to hire him for that 
work. It is advisable, in such cases, to try out the appli- 
cant with other tests in order to discover whether he is 
better fitted to learn some other kind of work. All em- 
ployment managers and educational directors are troubled 
with the urgent pleas of candidates who, in their opinion, 
are unfit for the work or training they demand. Hitherto 
there has always been a sense of injustice or apparent 
injustice in situations of this kind because the disappointed 
candidate felt that he was not being given a square deal. 
And as long as it was a question of one man*s judgment 
against that of another, there was always a measure of 
truth in this suspicion. The use of tests makes it possible 
to decide, with much less ambiguity and on much more 
impersonal grounds, whether a person shall be chosen or 
not. Often, however, when an applicant is particularly 
insistent upon a trial at a certain kind of work or training, 
it is advisable to give him the opportunity even though his 
performance in the tests is poor. This is because the 
presence of a genuine and driving ambition will sometimes 



THE VOCATIONAL VALUE OF TESTS I79 

take an individual over the most difficult obstacles. In 
one of the experiments already described was a girl whose 
performance in the most significant test proclaimed that 
she would most decidedly fail at the work she was trying 
to do. As a matter of fact this girl succeeded, but it took 
her about four times as long as the average success. How- 
ever, due to her dominant ambition, she did finally succeed 
and became one of the most successful workers in the 
room. 

While it is highly advisable to recognize ambition and 
to give it its just deserts, it is just as desirable to detect 
impulse. Very many candidates apply for a certain kind 
of work or a certain course of training, not because they 
are extremely ambitious in that direction, but because 
they have heard from some successful friend how pleasant 
the work is and how easy it is to make a high wage in a 
short time. The new candidate does not stop to consider 
that what is pleasant and profitable to his friend may not 
be equally pleasant and profitable for him. In cases of 
this kind — and every employment office and industry 
meets them in abundance — the verdict of the tests should 
be followed. If it is not, and the ill-adapted applicant is 
hired, the result is quite likely to be another turnover. 
For as soon as the new worker discovers that the work is 
not quite as enjoyable and remunerative for him as it is for 
his friend, he will probably leave. The vocational value of 
tests is particularly great in this respect. Many useless 
and costly vocational experiments can be eliminated by 
their application, and successful ones made possible in- 
stead. 

When a candidate has a good training but poor natural 
ability, the question of his vocation becomes a grave one. 
If the individual has himself recognized his tempera- 



l8o EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

mental or natural unfitness for his original work, the case 
becomes still more complicated and urgent. Shall he be 
given a new course of instruction or shall he be allowed to 
continue with his original work? The answer to this ques- 
tion evidently depends upon a large variety of factors, 
such as: Can it be determined whether or not he has 
natural ability in some other direction ? Will the new kind 
of work be sufficiently satisfying and profitable to justify 
the change? Is the individual's age, physical condition, 
and so forth such as to make the change advisable ? Most 
important, however, is the necessity of determining before- 
hand whether a person's ability in some other direction is 
such as to justify the change. Here again, there are in- 
numerable cases which arise in every large industry, and 
the chances for haphazard and expensive experimenting 
are all too obvious. Every precaution must be taken 
by an organization, both for its own sake and for the 
sake of its workers, that experiments in vocational re- 
adjustments — transfers, as they are frequently called — 
be conducted with discrimination and care. 

One of the most important factors in vocational selec- 
tion is the factor of the individual's choice. Many reasons 
determine the individual's choice of a vocation, but nearly 
all of them rest upon some individual peculiarity or bias. 
One boy may want to be a blacksmith because his father 
was one. Another, for the very same reason, may want to I 
be anything but a blacksmith. Another boy may want 
to be an automobile mechanic because he likes to ride 
around the country. Still another may wish to become an 
electrician because he has seen an electrician doing some 
work at his house and the electrician good-naturedly 
allowed him to help with some of the work. This boy's 
companion may want to become an electrician also be- 



I 



THE VOCATIONAL VALUE OF TESTS l8l 

cause he wishes to remain in the company of his friend. 
In a great many strange ways, boys and girls acquire a 
deep-rooted desire to be or to do some particular thing: 
This desire, whatever its origin may be, is one of the most 
potent factors in the vocational direction of the indi- 
vidual, and many individuals are made unhappy because 
circumstances have prevented them from following out 
their chosen vocation. An industrial organization, how- 
ever, can not be guided in its selections by this factor ex- 
cept in a superficial way. Every organization is limited 
in the number of jobs and positions it has to offer, and the 
vocational guidance and training which it gives are 
strictly limited accordingly. The institution which can 
best turn this dynamic force of desire and dislike to ac- 
count is the primary and secondary school, working in 
conjunction with all the industries of the community. 
In the schools, where the emphasis is not primarily on the 
production of material things, there is sufficient leisure 
and opportunity to give every pupil a trial at his favorite 
work. And there should also be sufficient opportunity for 
the pupil at other kinds of work in order to provide a basis 
upon which to guide his likes and dislikes into the most 
promising channels. 

The kind of guidance which should be attempted must 
be determined largely by a consideration of the kinds of 
work which the community is doing, and for this pur- 
pose the closest cooperation between the educational 
and industrial organizations is necessary. Until recently 
educators have been so much concerned with the defense 
of the disciplinary and cultural tradition that they have 
lacked either the inclination or the energy to adjust the 
educational program harmoniously with the industrial 
changes of the times. As a result, there are to-day in- 



I 82 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

numerable misfits, or rather, nofits, men and women with- 
out any special training or occupation, or with a training 
that leads to nothing in particular. As long as only 
a fraction of the population was required to work, this 
fact was not flagrantly evident; but as soon as the stress 
of war made some kind of work incumbent upon every- 
body, the discrepancy became plain. Because of the un- 
readiness of educational institutions, the work of re- 
fitting and reeducating a people fell upon the industrial 
world. The success with which the problem was met by 
industries in all countries is one of the outstanding features 
of the war and a standing lesson to all educators. In the 
future there will be a much closer cooperation between 
educational and industrial institutions, and the problem 
of vocational guidance will receive much more careful 
attention. The application of tests in this connection 
will be of considerable value. 

In addition to the selection and training of workers for 
the more advanced types of work, work which requires 
special ability and training, there are many kinds of work 
in every large industry which do not deserve the name 
vocation. A vocation implies work which requires a cer- 
tain degree of education, experience, and training, such 
as are required by a business, a profession, or a trade. 
It implies particularly the presence of features so inter- 
esting that they are capable of engaging a man's entire 
attention and ambition. A vocation is often desired as 
much for its own sake as for the sake of the financial 
reward which it brings. However, there are many kinds 
of work which do not possess these characteristics. A 
job analysis which covered the work of over eighteen 
thousand people showed that seventy-six per cent of 
the jobs required no particular previous experience or 



THE VOCATIONAL VALUE OF TESTS 1 83 

training and could be learned in periods varying from one 
hour to one month, the average being ten days. This is 
typical of the modern industrial development in the 
division of labor. Many jobs are dull and monotonous, 
involving the same petty round of activities day after 
day, and hour by hour. They fail to engage the worker's 
entire mind and they do not stimulate his imagination. 
In fact, they lack nearly all those characteristics which 
give permanency to a vocation and which encourage 
continuity of effort. To be sure, some people are fitted 
by nature or by temperament to just such work. On the 
other hand, there are many who tolerate it only because 
circumstances have prevented them from doing anything 
better. 

Now, although jobs of this kind can not be called vo- 
cations, the vocational value of tests is probably greater 
here than in any other sphere. For vocation must in this 
instance be defined in terms oi financial success. The true 
vocation of these workers consists not of the work which 
they actually do but of the pleasures, over and above 
their work, which their wages at that work enable them to 
gain. In other words, they are interested in work, not 
for its own sake, but as a means to an end. The best 
part of the day to them is the part which comes after work, 
when they can be with their wives and children, when 
they can work at their own houses, putter around their 
own gardens, or tinker at their own automobiles. It is 
in the pursuit of the hundred and one activities of this 
kind that the true and only vocation of this numerous 
body of workers exists. Therefore, the vocational value 
of tests in instances of this kind consists in the selection 
of men and women in such a manner that they shall be 
assigned at once to the kind of work at which they can 



184 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

most quickly succeed and at which they can make the 
largest wage of which they are capable. 

In this day of scientific management this is by no means 
an easy task. The fine subdivision of labor and the 
various piece rates or bonus rates which the task setters 
and time-study men have set for these operations have 
made it very necessary that laborers be chosen with 
equal care and accuracy. As a matter of common ex- 
perience^ it is well known that not every worker can suc- 
ceed at the various tasks which have been set. This is 
largely due to the fact that tasks for various kinds of work 
are set on the basis of a study of a group of workers who 
have already been chosen for that particular kind of 
w^ork by a process of natural selection. When studies are 
made, they are never based on workers who have given 
up the work because of their inability to succeed, but 
always on workers who have had at least a measure of 
success. When a task is set, therefore, it is not intended 
to be within the reach of every individual regardless of 
what his qualities may be, but only within the reach of 
certain types of workers. The task of the psychologist 
and the employment office is to select for the distinct types 
of work which exist in a factory, the type of workers who 
are most likely to succeed. 

The method which the psychologist applies in this 
problem has already been thoroughly described in pre- 
vious experiments. By finding significant tests for difl^er- 
ent types of work, the psychologist is enabled to guide 
the various applicants into those kinds of work for which 
their natural and acquired ability best fits them. And 
in doing this, psychological tests make it possible for each 
new worker to begin at the task at which he is most likely 
to succeed and at which he is likely to earn the highest 



I 



THE VOCATIONAL VALUE OF TESTS iSj 

wage of which he is capable. In this manner, tests fulfill 
a distinct vocational function; for they make it possible 
for the applicant to realize most quickly the happiness 
which constitutes his real vocation. To be sure, tests 
will discover many workers whose exceptional ability, 
either natural or acquired, will warrant their selection 
for a course of training which will ultimately give them 
genuine vocations. However, in the present stage of in- 
dustrial development, there must constantly be a large 
body of men and women to do routine and monotonous 
work, and it is in this large field that tests will have an 
extensive quasi-vocational value; for their use will enable 
the worker to achieve most fully those enjoyments in 
which his genuine vocational interests may be said to 
reside. 

A closely allied vocational problem is the assignment 
of defectives to industrial work. During the course of 
these experiments, a small number of high-grade morons 
and workers of a low mental age were discovered. Fre- 
quently these workers were doing work of which they were 
entirely incapable. The work of shell inspection, at which 
some of these defectives were engaged, requires a memory 
for about twenty-five different kinds of possible defects 
and a constant and alert attention in order to catch these 
defects as the shells pass by. Manifestly, even a high-grade 
moron would fail to possess the qualities necessary for 
carrying on this work. However, it must not be thought 
that the purpose of giving tests is to eliminate such in- 
dividuals entirely. There are many automatic machines 
which require an operator with only the most elementary 
kind of -intelligence and attention; and there is a large 
amount of manual work which involves only the learn- 
ing of a few simple movements which are continuously 



i86 



EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 



repeated in exactly the same way and which, when once 
acquired, can be performed without the aid of attention. 
For such work, mental defectives are often well adapted. 
Indeed, they are often better fitted for it than individuals 
of a higher intelligence because, having very few ideas 
and very little mental activity, they are unable to per- 
ceive the monotony and dullness of their work. They 
are themselves quite automatic, and can almost wholly 
lose themselves in the work which they are doing. What 
better solution of the problem of idiocy and undeveloped 
mentality can there be, from both an economic and a social 
standpoint, than to detect such applicants and assign 
them to work for which they are peculiarly adapted? 

There is, however, a strong tendency to confuse lack of 
education with lack of intelligence, a tendency which has 
promoted much trouble. Foremen and employment 
managers are too prone to think that an illiterate Pole 
or Russian or Italian is far down in the scale of intelli- 
gence. Consequently, they can not understand why these 
stupid foreigners should object vigorously when they are 
put at some low grade of work, work which requires no 
manual or mental ingenuity and which is often merely 
dirty and monotonous. One of the problems of the 
psychologist is to find tests which will enable him to 
divorce intelligence from education, or rather intelligence 
from a particular language. This difficulty will not be so 
acute when immigration decreases or when the learning 
of English is compulsory. In the meanwhile, however, it 
is a genuine difficulty which must be dealt with. The form 
boards which have been described in the course of these 
experiments are especially valuable for this purpose, 
for they can be given to subjects regardless of education, 
race, or language. Their meaning is so obvious that 



THE VOCATIONAL VALUE OF TESTS I87 

almost no explanation is required. The use of form boards 
with special reference to this problem has been described 
in Chapter XV. Elaborations of this test will undoubtedly 
help to solve this problem. 

The vocational value of tests in industries may now be 
briefly summarized. The problem of every industrial 
organization is to select and train its workers in such a 
manner as to make the best possible use of their abilities. 
In order to do this successfully, it is necessary to discover 
the exact ability, both innate and acquired, of each in- 
dividual. Unless these facts are known, it becomes im- 
possible to assign the individual to the work for which 
he is best fitted or to give him the training which he de- 
serves. The application of psychological tests in those 
fields where their value has been verified is the only 
method, short of the laborious and costly method of trial 
and error, which makes it possible to discover these facts. 
Once the potential and actual ability of an individual 
has been discovered, the vocational selection or training 
of that individual can be decided with a measurable de- 
gree of intelligence. Whether we interpret vocation in 
terms of work for its own sake or work for the sake of the 
reward which it brings, the application of tests makes it 
possible to promote both the interests of the organization 
and the welfare of the individual workers. 



XVI 
THE SCOPE OF PSYCHOLOGICAL TESTS 

WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE SELECTION OF 
EXECUTIVES 

At the conclusion of the section on psychological tests, 
the question regarding the scope of such tests as applied 
to problems of employment naturally arises. This ques- 
tion may be divided into two phases. First, over how 
great a variety of individuals and types of work may the 
use of tests be extended? Secondly, how much can tests 
tell us about an individual? The first question concerns 
the quantitative value of the tests. It raises the point 
as to the extent in classes of work and varieties of people 
to which tests can be successfully applied. The second 
question is concerned largely with the qualitative value 
of tests. It raises the point as to whether the information 
about an individual which tests afford is sufficiently com- 
prehensive and reliable to form a basis for judging that 
individual. 

The first of these two questions has already been an- 
swered, in part, in the preceding chapters. In the ex- 
periments described it was seen that tests were success- 
fully applied to inspectors, assemblers, machine operators, 
office clerks of various kinds, stenographers, computing- 
machine operators, time-study men, draftsmen, tool- 
makers and tool-maker apprentices. This is by no means 
a comprehensive list of kinds of work, but it is neverthe- 

i88 



THE SCOPE OF PSYCHOLOGICAL TESTS 1 89 

less comprehensive in the sense that it includes some of 
the most common and representative types. It also in- 
dicates the broad range over which psychological tests 
can be applied if the psychological method is carefully 
observed. Other types of work have already been success- 
fully dealt with by other psychologists^ and as time goes 
on, this range will undoubtedly increase very greatly. 

The question which is probably of most interest to 
industrial leaders and to organization heads is the choice 
of men for higher positions, executives, planners, organiz- 
ers — the so-called big men. Can tests be applied which 
will make it possible to discover men of large caliber and 
large capabilities; men who have the ability to plan and 
execute great projects; men who stand head and shoulders 
above their fellow men? Can tests make it possible to ^ 
select the exceptional man, the genius? This question 
must frankly be answered in the negative. The psycho- % 
logical method is at the present stage of its development 
unable to select men who possess the exceptional qualities 
required by the exceptional position. 

The reasons for this limitation have already been fur- 
nished in the description of the psychological method con- 
tained in the preceding chapters. In the first place, 
psychology, like every other science, must proceed from 
the simple to the complex. The psychologist must first 
seek to apply tests to the more ordinary kinds of work, 
work which he can analyze and understand. The ex- 
periments described here deal, for the most part, with work 
of such a nature. Although it is conceivable that the 
psychological method be applied to types of work which 
the psychologist does not understand, still, such a pro- 
cedure will be, at the best, haphazard and unreliable. An 
intelligent application of tests requires, on the part of the 



190 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

experimenter, an intelligent grasp of the essential char- 
acteristics of the work. Work, for instance, which is 
characterized by the frequent repetition of the same 
movements (like the work of operating hand-feed dial 
machines, inspecting, and assembling) lends itself par- 
ticularly well to the application of tests; for work of this 
kind presents certain constant and outstanding features 
which serve as valuable guides in selecting the appro- 
priate tests. On the other hand, the higher we go in the 
scale of positions, the more intricate and involved are 
the tasks concerned until it becomes finally impossible 
for the ordinary layman to comprehend adequately what 
the fundamental characteristics of a given job are. It 
is not strange that the psychologist should be unable to 
grasp the features and details of such positions; for even 
the occupants of the positions themselves are frequently 
unable to describe adequately the work which they so 
successfully perform. One of the pleasant diversions of 
successful men is to give out, for the benefit of the striv- 
ing youth, public interviews on the nature of their work 
and the qualities which enabled them to succeed; but the 
striking feature about these confessions is the inadequacy 
of the qualities given for the success obtained. Few sophis- 
ticated men, least of all psychologists, attach much im- 
portance or scientific reliability to personal statements 
of this kind. Such interviews are calculated to inspire 
the young rather than to afford a comprehensive basis 
for making a scientific analysis of the factors actually in- 
volved. Therefore, both because of his own inability 
to understand, and the inability of the highly successful 
man to describe adequately the essential features of his 
work, the psychologist is prevented from intelligently 
applying tests in this field. 



THE SCOPE OF PSYCHOLOGICAL TESTS I9I 

A second impediment in the way of selecting big men 
by tests Is the necessity of trying out preliminary tests 
on a large group of individuals all doing exactly the same 
kind of work. Unless tests are tried on a large scale, the 
probable errors are likely to make the results worthless; 
and unless all the Individuals involved are doing the same 
kind of work, it is impossible to compare their relative 
ability as workers with their relative ability in the various 
tests. In the experiments described here, there were 
generally twenty or more subjects in each group. And 
in most cases, the members of the various groups were 
engaged in exactly the same kind of work. This condition 
is very common in factories, where quantity production 
and the fine division of labor have made it necessary for 
large groups of individuals to engage in the same process 
of production. However, the higher we go in the scale 
of work, the more difficult it is to find this condition. 
Very few men in important positions are engaged in tasks 
which are exactly the same, and therefore, it is almost 
impossible to compare them with each other so as to ob- 
tain a record of their relative abilities. Even where the 
names of a number of positions are alike, it by no means 
follows that the tasks performed are also alike. No one 
is more familiar with this condition than the employment 
manager whose duty it is to secure men for a large number 
of important positions alike in name but very different 
in fact. 

Finally, even if the members of a group are engaged In 
the same kind of work, it is essential that the work be of 
such a nature as to furnish an objective measure of pro- 
duction. By an objective measure of production is 
meant simply an impersonal record of the amount and 
quality of work done by each individual. We have seen 



192 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

that records of this kind are frequently available, es- 
pecially in the case of piece-workers. Such records, in 
spite of the varying conditions of production and manage- 
ment which may tend to destroy their impartiality, are 
far more reliable and uniform than any other record which 
can be obtained. The personal opinions of foremen, in- 
structors, or other superiors are at all times a poor sub- 
stitute for such an objective-production record. However, 
the higher we go in the scale of work the less likely are we 
to find workers doing the same kind of work under con- 
ditions which make it possible to measure and compare 
their relative output or production. Imagine trying to 
estimate and compare the work of the manager of one 
department with that of another. Manifestly, it is im- 
possible to make such a comparison except in the most 
general terms, and in terms of personal opinions rather 
than in terms of an impersonal measure of units of work 
actually produced. 

These three conditions, therefore — first, the necessity 
for dealing with work which the psychologist can under- 
stand, secondly, the necessity of trying preliminary tests 
on a large group engaged in the same kind of work, and 
thirdly, the necessity of an objective or impersonal measure 
of the work — set a distinct limit to the scope of psychologi- 
cal tests, particularly with regard to the selection of big 
men. Psychologists, in their eagerness to live up to all 
the demands which have been put upon them, have some- 
times hesitated to admit this limitation. They have 
allowed themselves to be credited, by the too interested 
friends of psychology, with a technique which enables 
them to select men for higher types of work. No one, 
more quickly than the employment manager, will recog- 
nize the inadequacy of this technique when it is given 



THE SCOPE OF PSYCHOLOGICAL .TESTS I93 

an actual trial. The psychologist who presumes to apply 
tests to kinds of work which he understands ^nly super- 
ficially to groups of men whose work is alike only in 
superficial details, and in cases where the reliability of the 
results rests not upon an impersonal record of actual work 
but upon a concoction of personal opinions, is indeed 
taking a very grave risk of bringing his medium into dis- 
repute among those whose business it is to be familiar 
with the complexities and intricacies of employment work. 
No doubt all of these faults have occurred in the experi- 
ments described here; but they are recognized as weak- 
nesses and the results discounted accordingly. 

The virtue of the psychological method consists in 
applying to the abilities of people certain scientifically 
accurate tests, tests whose value has first been deter- 
mined by means of experiments which meet the conditions 
described. The superiority of such measures over the 
ordinary haphazard measures of common sense is ob- 
vious. However, this very virtue is also the weakness of 
the psychological method or, in fact, of any scientific 
method. Tests and measures are only significant when 
applied to cases which conform to standard conditions. 
The diagnostic tests applied by the physician, for instance, 
enable him to determine the nature of an illness like 
measles which, because of its invariable symptoms, we 
may call standard. However, as soon as an extraordinary '* 

illness occurs, his tests become useless. They do not 
enable him to diagnose the nature of the disease, and it 
becomes necessary to call in specialists who, in many cases, 
are also unable to determine the exact nature of the 
trouble. The more complicated and exceptional the disease, 
the less applicable are the ordinary laws and measures 
of the physician. Exactly the same condition prevails in 



194 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

the case of the psychologist. His tests are adapted to the 
selection of the more ordinary variety of workers, the 
nature of whose work conforms to certain fairly well 
standardized forms. However, the farther away he gets 
from these forms — that is, the more complicated and ex- 
ceptional the work becomes — the less applicable are his 
tests. This tendency is characteristic of all scientific 
progress. It is well expressed in the trite saying: "Genius 
knows no law." Not that the genius is beyond the scope 
of the law. He is governed by law as much as any other 
man. The scientist, however, or the psychologist does 
not know the law or the rule which applies to the excep- 
tional being. Therefore, he has little if any advantage 
over the ordinary manager when it comes to selecting 
exceptional men. The technique of medicine may make 
a man of poor ability a relatively successful physician. 
However, as soon as he encounters a case distinctly be- 
yond the scope of his technique, his remedies are almost 
on a par with the ordinary house remedies. This is much 
more true in the case of the psychologist whose technique 
is as yet in a less highly developed state. Up to a certain 
point, his technique enables him to select people with 
special success. Beyond that point, his success is a per- 
sonal matter, distinct from his technique, and depending 
more largely on his individual ability. In so far as the 
psychologist is a good m^anager, he may also be successful 
in selecting big men. In so far as he is a poor manager, 
he is bound to fail in his attempt. Where the scientific 
method stops, the strength and weakness of the personal 
equation must again have the last word. 



I 



XVII 

THE SCOPE OF PSYCHOLOGICAL TESTS {Con- 

tinued) 

The second important question dealing with the scope 
of psychological tests is concerned with their qualitative 
value. How much can tests tell us about an individual? 
And how much importance may we attach to the facts 
which they reveal? Is it possible to say that, because an 
applicant passes the tests for a certain kind of work, that 
applicant will make good? And is it possible to assert, 
with equal assurance, that the reverse will be true, and 
that one who fails in the tests will fail in the work ? Here, 
again, a distinct limitation must be immediately admitted. 
The application of psychological tests does not make it 
possible to predict, without qualification, that a certain 
individual will succeed at a certain kind of work and 
that another will fail. They only enable one to say that 
the chances for success of a particular individual or group 
are better than the chances of another. In brief, psycho- 
logical tests do not make it possible to discover all that 
it is desirable to know about an individual, or, conse- 
quently, to prophesy infallibly what an individual is 
bound to do. 

In the first place, there are innumerable factors which 
enter into the history of each individual which no method 
whatsoever can take cognizance of, and which, therefore, 
no method can control. Every employment manager is 
familiar with the many reasons other than the itQm failure 

195 



196 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

or success which enter into the coming and going of work- 
ers. Any comprehensive labor-turnover report contains 
as reasons for employees leaving items such as the fol- 
lowing: illness, moving away, needed at home, marriage, 
not enough pay, dissatisfaction, cannot stand the strain, 
too far to come, better job elsewhere, and so on indefinitely. 
These and similar factors are beyond the control or do- 
main of the employment psychologist. If an applicant 
who was successful in the tests leaves his work for one of 
the above reasons, it does not follow that the tests were 
at fault. On the other hand, if individuals who failed in 
the tests for a certain kind of work become successful 
workers nevertheless, it is an indication of at least three 
possibilities: First, the standard in the tests may be too 
low; secondly, the tests may be useless; thirdly, the in- 
dividuals in question may possess other qualities which 
compensate for their inability in the tests, for instance, 
unusual ambition or a dire need for money. One of the 
most conspicuous examples of the third possibility arose 
in the course of an experiment carried on with inspectors. 
The experimenter was asked by the foreman to test a 
certain girl who had caused him considerable perplexity. 
This girl, the foreman stated, was an excellent worker in 
every way except ability to turn out a sufficient quantity 
of work. She was industrious, accurate, cheerful, and 
steady, but not productive. During the course of the 
psychological examination this inspector did very well 
in every test until she came to the last and most significant. 
In this test, her performance was far below the required 
standard, so far, in fact, that she would not have been 
hired for inspection work if she had applied after these 
tests were established. Nevertheless, this girl finally 
succeeded and became one of the best inspectors in the 



i 



THE SCOPE OF PSYCHOLOGICAL TESTS KfJ 

room. To be sure it took her two months to succeed 
whereas the ordinary girl requires only two weeks. How- 
ever, her ambition and her other excellent moral qualities 
were such as to enable her in time to overcome the initial 
handicap with which she began. 

This raises the second important point in respect to 
which psychological tests are at present inadequate; 
namely, the discovery of the moral and emotional qualities 
of an individual. In the example cited, the presence of 
certain moral forces discounted a certain lack of natural 
ability. Now, such qualities as ambition, reliability, en- 
thusiasm, punctuality, honesty, cheerfulness, determina- 
tion, loyalty, forcefulness, excitability, tact, deliberateness 
and an infinite number of similar traits are generally 
classified as moral and emotional qualities. However, 
although the existence and concrete character of these 
qualities is generally conceded, their exact psychological 
nature is very little understood. The common-sense point 
of view and the psychological method are equally at a loss 
when it comes to defining and measuring these qualities. 
Some attempts have been made to devise tests by which to 
measure them. One, for example, is based on a series of 
ethical questions. The subject is given a number of 
printed cards, each one proposing an action which is 
generally considered wrong or immoral. Following are 
some sample acts: 

Stealing a loaf of bread when hungry. 

Neglecting to pay one*s carfare. 

Walking off with somebody else's umbrella. 

Telling a lie about one's income. 

Passing on a slanderous story. 

Breaking a speed law. 

Taking illegal rebates. 



198 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

The subject is then asked to arrange these cards in the 
order in which he considers the actions named most repre- 
hensible, placing the least reprehensible first and the most 
reprehensible last. The value and significance of such a 
test are extremely doubtful. Without going into a detailed 
criticism of the efficacy of this test, it may be said that the 
core of its weakness consists in the fact that words and 
actions do not necessarily coincide. Intellectual morality 
and practical morality are two distinctly diff'erent things. 
For a time it did seem as though the word association 
tests, made famous by Hugo Muensterberg's book "On 
the Witness Stand" could bridge these two realms of 
thought and action. However, it has been found since 
that the connection between them is so subtle as to make 
such tests entirely too ambiguous. Even if tests which 
require the subject to express himself in terms of deeds 
rather than opinions could be devised, the results would 
be extremely doubtful. Few individuals could be made to 
reveal their objectionable moral traits during the course 
of an interview or a psychological examination. And on 
the other hand there are few individuals who cannot, 
when the occasion demands, assume a virtue which they 
do not have. Whether looking for the negative qualities, 
such as dishonesty and laziness, or tracing the positive 
virtues, such as honesty and industry, the psychologist, 
in common with all other seekers of facts, is laboring 
under the great disadvantage of the ability of all in- 
dividuals to minimize or to exaggerate their good and bad 
points. In none of the moral qualities are there the rela- 
tively stable and measurable factors which are to be 
found in the more elementary activities to which tests 
have been so successfully applied. 

Since psychological tests are unable adequately to 



THE SCOPE OF PSYCHOLOGICAL TESTS I99 

discover and measure the ethical and emotional qualities 
it is obvious that they do not provide an infallible method 
for selecting the right man for the right place. In the 
absence of knowledge about certain of an individual's most 
important characteristics, no reliable deductions can be 
made about that individual's future, or his desirability 
for a certain kind of work. This is, indeed, a serious short- 
coming, and one which gravely limits the usefulness of 
psychological tests. However, it must be remembered 
that all other methods are equally helpless in the face of 
this difficulty, even while not admitting it, and that the 
psychologist has at least the advantage of recognizing the 
intricacies which the problem presents. 

The limitations of psychological tests as applied to the 
individual having been recognized, wherein does the real 
value and scope of these tests lie? Briefly, in their ability 
to discover the presence and measure the extent of the 
specific abilities or faculties which an individual possesses. 
This knowledge makes it possible to select from a group 
of applicants those who possess at least one of the two 
fundamental requisites for success; namely, ability to do 
the work of a given job. Aside from all moral qualifica- 
tions, every job requires a minimum of ability or intelli- 
gence. Those who possess the necessary moral qualities 
are not fitted for a job unless they possess also the neces- 
sary mental qualities, the necessary ability or technique. 
On the other hand, those who possess the required ability 
but not the right moral traits are equally unfitted for the 
job in question. Those who possess neither ability nor 
character are least of all fitted, while those who possess 
both are of course best fitted. We may show the four 
possible combinations of these two fundamental elements 
by means of the following table: 



200 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 



Possessed of the 
necessary ability. 


Possessed of the nec- 
essary moral traits. 


Without the nec- 
essary ability. 


Without the nec- 
essary moral traits. 



The four possible combinations are as follows: (i) Those 
with the necessary technique and also the necessary moral 
traits. (2) Those with the necessary ability but without 
the necessary moral traits. (3) Those without the neces- 
sary ability but with the necessary moral traits. (4) 
Those without the necessary ability and without the neces- 
sary moral traits. 

Now, it will be seen that psychological tests, by being 
able to discover and measure ability or technique, imme- 
diately make it possible to reduce the number of possible 
mistakes in selection by fifty per cent. By means of tests 
we are enabled, in the first place, to separate those who 
have the requisite ability from those who do not, regard- 
less of the existence of the moral qualities. Therefore, the 
large number of applicants who have not the necessary 
ability to succeed at the particular job in question are 
rejected at once. Those who have the necessary ability 
may now be divided into two classes, those who have the 
necessary moral traits and those who have not. Because 
psychological tests cannot definitely discover the presence 
and degree of the moral qualities, the psychological exam- 
iner is likely to recommend both of these groups for work. 
Of the number, some will undoubtedly fail because even 
though they have the requisite ability they lack the neces- 
sary moral traits. There remain, then, those who have 



THE SCOPE OF PSYCHOLOGICAL TESTS 20I 

both the ability and the character necessary for success 
and who do succeed. Therefore, in spi'te of the fact that 
psychological tests do not suffice in the discovery of one of 
the two most important factors about applicants they 
nevertheless make it possible to eliminate those in- 
dividuals who do not possess the other known factor. 
Thus they enable us to consummate a very great reduction 
in the number of possible errors, and to bring the process 
of selection much closer to the region of accuracy and 
certainty. 

The best and most authentic example of this process 
which has been obtained is that described in Chapter III. 
Here it was seen that a considerable number of inspectors 
who did not pass the tests but who were hired neverthe- 
less were failures. This number corresponds to the first 
large class of those who have not the necessary ability, and 
who can be eliminated at the outset by means of the tests. 
Next, there was a group who passed the tests but who 
nevertheless failed. This group probably failed because 
it did not possess the necessary moral qualities. Finally, 
there remained the group which succeeded and which 
worked for a period of from one to four months at piece- 
work production. This group undoubtedly possessed the 
necessary moral traits and ninety-four per cent of them 
had passed the tests, showing that they had the necessary 
ability. This is a very good example of the practical scope 
and value of tests when applied to employment work, 
even though that scope does not embrace the discovery of 
every fact about an individual which the employment 
office would like to know. (Moreover, the example is an 
exceptionally valuable one because both those who did not 
pass the tests and those who did were hired. Therefore, it 
became possible to show the enormous amount of work 



202 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

and expense which were invested on the hiring and 
training of candidates who were destined from the outset 
to fail.) 

Much has been said in deprecation of the scope of 
tests, and one of the most frequently repeated statements 
is that tests do not enable the employment office to select 
those who will succeed, but only make it possible to 
eliminate a percentage of those who are bound to fail. 
Therefore tests have only a negative value. In a sense this 
is true; but it is equally true of any selective process what- 
soever. All selection proceeds by elimination. In fact, 
elimination is selection and selection is elimination. The 
main question about such a process is: to what extent does 
it reduce the number of possible mistakes? It has been 
seen that the psychological method does not make it 
possible to avoid all mistakes in selection, and in this 
sense it can be called negative. However, it has also 
been seen that the use of tests provides a systematic and 
effective way of reducing the number of mal-selections, and 
in this sense, therefore, it is decidedly positive. 

In attempting to make clear the exact scope and limita- 
tion of tests when applied to the individual, this discussion 
has erred, if anything, on the side of fairness. It has been 
stated that psychological tests are unable to detect moral 
characteristics. As a matter of fact, tests are not nearly as 
helpless in the face of this problem as has been suggested. 
One of the great errors which employm.ent managers, 
foremen, superintendents, and all other people, including 
teachers, ministers, and religious workers fall into, is the 
belief that the moral qualities are absolute qualities. They 
believe that if a man is lazy he is lazy. If he is industrious 
he is industrious. If he is cheerful he is cheerful. If he is 
disloyal he is disloyal. If he is ambitious he is ambitious. 



THE SCOPE OF PSYCHOLOGICAL TESTS lOJ 

If he IS good he is good. And if he is bad he is bad. In 
other words, they labor under the belief that the moral 
qualities are constant qualities which are an inseparable 
part of a human being as scales, fur, and hide are an in- 
separable feature of the fish, the dog, and the elephant; 
and further, that no matter where people are and what 
they are doing, their moral qualities are an invariable part 
of their nature. Nothing could be farther from the truth. 
The moral qualities are not absolute. They are not 
blanket qualities which cover an individual's entire range 
of life no matter under what circumstances he may live. 
On the contrary, moral traits are relative^ and their nature 
depends upon a very wide variety of external economic, 
social and bodily conditions. 

Nowhere is this fact more obvious than in the selection 
and retention of employees. The experiments described 
have demonstrated nothing more conclusively than the 
relativity of the moral qualities. It has been found re- 
peatedly that the listlessness or laziness of an individual 
at a given job was due not to any permanent moral 
flabbiness, but to the fact that the individual did not like 
the work or had not been able to do it because he lacked 
the necessary mental qualifications. In cases of this 
kind, it frequently happens that when an individual is 
transferred to another type of work, more nearly within 
the reach of his capacities and inclinations, he develops 
a most admirable degree of industry and energy. The 
same may be said of most other moral traits. Initiative 
is a moral quality which a worker may reveal while he 
is engaged in work for which his training and preparation 
fit him, but which may be entirely absent if he is placed, 
by mistake, at work which does not come within the scope 
of his ability. The same may be said of punctuality and 



204 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

Steadiness, qualities upon which industries are now plac- 
ing every conceivable premium. As long as a large number 
of employees are engaged at work which does not in- 
terest them and for which they have not had any par- 
ticular training, it cannot be expected that they will 
strive to avoid all tardinesses and absences. The quality 
of loyalty is to-day one of the most stressed in industry, 
for it includes a large number of other desirable moral 
traits. However, the very foundation for loyalty is a 
liking for one's work or for the resulting rewards, and this, 
in turn, is dependent upon the manner in which the in- 
dividual is chosen for his work. It is extremely difficult 
for a worker to be loyal when the work he is doing does 
not call into exercise a knowledge of the trade which he 
has learned, or when he is unable to earn a fair week's pay. 

In this connection, a statement in one of the reports by 
the Committee on Industrial Training in British Munition 
Factories is of unusual significance. According to the 
report of this committee, the successful factory worker 
was one who had the factory temperament; and the fac- 
tory temperament was defined as; first, the patriotic 
loyalty aroused by the country's need, and, secondly, the 
ability to earn a desirable week's pay. The latter, it was 
affirmed, was almost more powerful in effect than the 
former. If this was true at the time when this report 
was made, how much more will it be true when the pa- 
triotic stimulus is lessened? 

An unusual opportunity of observing the relativity of 
moral qualities in a general way was afforded by a train- 
ing course, consisting of about fifteen college men who 
were being shifted from one shop and department to 
another in a systematic attempt to acquaint them with 
the fundamental aspects of the industry. These men 



THE SCOPE OF PSYCHOLOGICAL TESTS 205 

were naturally sufficiently interested in their work to 
maintain the required moral level. Nevertheless, their 
interests and moral traits varied noticeably as they were 
shifted from one shop or office to another. Certain men 
were very enthusiastic about one place and quite the con- 
trary about another. They were anxious to finish some 
shops as soon as possible while in others they were anxious 
to remain even longer than the allotted time. Not only 
their enthusiasm but their daily attendance, their atten- 
tiveness, and the quality of their work were governed in 
a marked degree by these changing factors. Whereas 
one kind of work elicited the most desirable moral traits 
in one man, it had quite the opposite effect on another. 
At the end of the course all of the men found permanent 
positions of widely differing kinds, and, in most cases, 
their work was such as to elicit the best qualities in them. 
There are, to be sure, certain individuals who have a 
constitutional dislike for any work whatsoever, and there 
are still others who have a fixed dislike for certain kinds 
of work. There are also a few who manifest industry and 
determination at any kind of work to which they happen 
to be assigned. Their number, however, is scant. In 
the vast majority of cases, the moral traits an individual 
displays are determined by two variable conditions. These 
conditions are first, a liking for a certain kind of work 
for its own sake, and, secondly, a liking of the work for the 
sake of the rewards which it makes possible. The former 
is effective in the case of workers with a trade or a voca- 
tion. The very fact that they have completed the term 
of apprenticeship which is required to learn their trade 
indicates that they possess at least some of the necessary 
moral qualities. In order to engage and further develop 
these qualities, it behooves the employment office to 



loG EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

place men of this kind in positions where their training 
and experience may be utilized to the utmost and given 
their fullest opportunity for expansion. In the case of 
workers without a trade and unwilling to learn a trade, 
the desirable course is to assign them to the work which 
will enable them most quickly to earn the wage which they 
require for the satisfaction of their outside interests. If 
applicants of this kind are given work which comes within 
their abilities, they are likely to exhibit industry and 
energy. If they are given work which does not, they are 
very likely to exhibit indifference, laziness, carelessness, 
and other undesirable moral traits; and, in addition, they 
are likely to leave as soon as they see an opportunity 
elsewhere for making a larger wage. At the risk of rep- 
etition, this matter will be discussed from a slightly differ- 
ent angle in the chapter on vestibule schools. In the 
meanwhile, it can be seen that, by making it possible to 
assign workers to the work for which, both by nature and 
by training, they are best fitted, psychological tests con- 
tribute largely to the solution of the problem of selecting 
employees with the right moral traits. 

From still another point of view, the use of tests is an 
aid in developing the desired moral qualities and a means 
of preventing their exhaustion. The statement has been 
made that moral traits are relative. This is true not only 
in a qualitative sense but in a quantitative sense as well. 
For instance, an individual may begin work with a cer- 
tain degree of natural enthusiasm and industriousness. 
If he succeeds at his work within a reasonable length 
of time, he is likely to maintain and even augment these 
qualities. If he fails, he may gradually lose them. His 
moral resistance and energy may be exhausted by the 
difficulty and unfitness of the work to which he was 



THE SCOPE OF PSYCHOLOGICAL TESTS 207 

assigned, whereas the opposite may be true when he is 
assigned to work for which his abilities fit him. As a con- 
crete example of this fact, we may cite the results of 
the tests given to inspectors described in Chapter III. 
A large number of inspectors, both such as were acceptable 
according to the tests and such as were not, finally gave 
up their work or were discharged. Nevertheless, those 
who were acceptable according to the tests worked for a 
period nine times as long as those who were not, thus in- 
dicating that they were, on the whole, a more determined 
group. In other words, their greater ability for the work 
of inspection removed from their path certain obstacles 
which would otherwise have absorbed their moral re- 
sistance in a much shorter period, as did happen in the 
case of those who remained only a week but had not passed 
the tests. And of the number who remained at work for 
two months or more and who may therefore be said to 
have manifested the most desirable moral traits, ninety- 
four per cent were acceptable on the basis of the tests. 
The conclusion which we are forced to draw is that those 
who possess the necessary ability, as ascertained by the 
tests, are more likely to develop the desirable moral traits 
or to retain for a longer time those with which they set 
out. 

There is one more aspect in which tests may contribute 
materially to the solution of the question of moral quali- 
ties. The power of suggestion is a well-known psychologi- 
cal fact. A suggestion, properly made, frequently has the 
power to change entirely an individual's course of action. 
Obviously, the value of a suggestion depends upon the 
intelligence with which it is made. It frequently happens 
that new employees are so diffident and lacking in assur- 
ance that they fail at work for which they undoubtedly 



2o8 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

possess the necessary ability. This is due to the fact that 
they are not conscious of their ability, and lack that bit of 
extra energy which might enable them to put themselves 
to the test. In cases of this kind, the psychological exam- 
iner is in a position to suggest to his subject that, beyond 
a doubt, he possesses the necessary ability for success. 
In several cases, the experimenter has suggested to a sub- 
ject who did well in the tests but whose work was not so 
satisfactory that he could unquestionably make good 
if he only would. However, it was inadvisable to do this 
during the course of experiments which were being con- 
ducted precisely with the view of finding the value of the 
tests upon which such a suggestion was based. It remains 
as an interesting field for experimentation for some one 
to discover to what extent the power of suggestion may 
neutralize or augment the natural differences between 
individuals as shown by tests. In the meanwhile, it 
seems safe to prophesy that the development of tests 
which make it possible to discover the innate and acquired 
faculties of individuals will at the same time provide a 
more scientific basis for the employment of the powerful 
stimulus of suggestion. And by accomplishing this, 
another great contribution will have been made to the 
process of selecting individuals who are adapted for their 
work both mentally and morally. 

SUMMARY 

The scope of psychological tests has been discussed 
largely from the standpoint of their limitations. It has 
been pointed out that the extent to which tests may be 
applied is determined by three conditions: (i) An un- 
derstanding on the part of the psychologist of the work 
to which they are to be applied in order that he may 



THE SCOPE OF PSYCHOLOGICAL TESTS 209 

select tests which are appropriate; (2) a preliminary ex- 
periment with a large group of workers engaged in the 
same kind of work in order to determine the value of the 
tests selected and the standards which shall be used; 
(3) an objective or impersonal measure of the work done 
by the members of the group in order to provide a reliable 
and accurate basis upon which to compare both the in- 
dividuals and their performances in the tests. The diffi- 
culty of meeting these three conditions makes it impossible 
to apply tests intelligently to executives in the higher 
and more specialized positions. However, there is a vast 
and ever growing field where these conditions exist and 
where tests may therefore be readily applied, and some 
indications of the scope of this field have been given in the 
previous chapters. 

With regard to the qualitative scope of tests, or their 
degree of reliability, it has been seen that their chief value 
lies in detecting the innate or acquired mental ability of 
the individual. Tests do not reveal the moral qualities 
and in this sense their value is limited. But even with 
this limitation, they make it possible to select the man 
who is most likely to possess them. For, as has been seen, 
the moral traits are relative, and depend in large measure 
upon the ability of an individual to make good; and this 
ability does come within the scope of tests to determine. 
Finally, the knowledge which tests can give us about the 
abilities of individuals offers, for the first time, a scientific 
or objective basis upon which to use the powerful stimulus 
of suggestion. By the use of suggestion, much can be done 
to arouse and to create the moral qualities which are de- 
sirable in a worker and which will make the worker not 
only more valuable to the industry but to himself. 



Il 



PART II 

TRADE TESTS AND OTHER APPLICATIONS OF 
EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 



PART II 

TRADE TESTS AND OTHER APPLICATIONS OF 
EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

There are certain broad phases of employment which are 
the original and constant nucleus from which all subse- 
quent ones develop. These are: (i) observing an appli- 
cant's appearance; (2) obtaining information through 
questions; (3) job analysis; (4) introducing the new em- 
ployee to his job. Employment psychology has much to 
contribute toward placing these hitherto haphazard 
aspects of employment on a more scientific basis. 

One of the most interesting of recent developments is 
the perfection of the question method. The so-called 
"trade tests'', devised for use in the army, are the best 
example of this development. These tests consist partly 
of a series of questions based on a particular trade, with 
the answers that are to be expected. The method by 
which they are developed will be described in the chapter 
on "How to Ask Questions". 

Trade tests are sometimes spoken of as something quite 
different from psychological tests. As a matter of fact, 
the difference between them is merely verbal. Trade tests 
are a subdivision of psychological tests. Their distinguish- 
ing feature is that they are based almost entirely on the 
acquired knowledge or ability which is supposed to go 
with a recognized trade. 

Trade tests often appear to the lay mind as compara- 
tively simple and direct, easy to devise, and easy to apply. 

213 



2I4 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

However, unless these tests are worked out with the care 
and thoroughness which the psychological technique ap- 
plies to tests in general, the results are sure to be very dis- 
appointing. This fact will become clearer in the ensuing 
chapters. 



XVIII 

HOW TO ASK QUESTIONS AND THE DEVELOP- 
MENT OF QUESTION TRADE TESTS 

Next to observation, the oldest method of forming im- 
pressions is through oral questions. The first act of the 
interviewer is to look at the applicant and get an in- 
stantaneous impression of his general appearance. After 
this the almost universal sequence is the question: "What's 
your name?" This question is followed by the more or 
less stereotyped set of questions relating to address, age, 
previous history, and so on, which forms the body of the 
interview. A great part of the information which forms 
the basis on which an applicant is hired or rejected is the 
result of the questions which are asked him. 

The text around which this chapter is written is: The 
value of the answers obtained is directly proportional to 
the value of the questions asked. At one time, school 
teachers were almost alone in recognizing the truth of this 
statement. Pedagogues have long been agreed that one 
of the most important factors in teaching is the art of 
asking questions in such a way as to bring to light the 
knowledge and the ability of the pupil. In the work of 
employment, the importance of questions cannot be over- 
estimated, for a large part of the knowledge upon which 
the applicant is selected is obtained in this way. And yet, 
important as is the matter of asking questions, it, like most 
other phases of employment, has been left entirely to 
chance and to the unguided discretion of individual inter- 

215 



2l6 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

viewers. For this reason, the same general failings which 
have already been attributed to any method which rests 
primarily upon the unaided judgment of the individual 
can be attributed once more to this phase of employment. 
These failings are in sum, lack of consistency, inaccuracy, 
liability to the moods and prejudices of different in- 
dividuals, and in general the errors due to the variable and 
uncertain factors of the personal equation. 

There is one notable exception to this arraignment of 
the question method; that is, the application blank. The 
application blank represents, in most cases, a standard 
set of well thought out questions which are given to all 
applicants in exactly the same fashion. It is an attempt 
to arrive at the most important facts about an individual 
in the most specific and lucid manner. That it does not 
always succeed in this respect, and that there are grave 
objections to many items on most application forms, need 
not be questioned. In any event, it has procured informa- 
tion of inestimable value, and it is, without a doubt, far 
superior to the method which leaves the obtaining of this 
information to chance or to the discretion of the individual 
employment-office clerk. 

However, there is a large number of applicants who 
cannot read or write English and many who cannot even 
understand it. In such cases oral questions must be re- 
sorted to. Either the employment interviewer must fill 
out the application blank himself or it must be discarded 
entirely and the applicant interviewed orally as well as is 
possible. In such cases, the most simple and obvious 
questions may be a stumbling block rather than an aid. 
As an example of this possibility, the following incident is 
related. Almost always the first question which an 
interviewer puts to an applicant is: "What*s your name?" 



QUESTION TRADE TESTS llj 

The next question is: "Where do you live?*' And after 
that, usually, "What kind of work do you want?** One 
interviewer, who was surprised at the consistent intelli- 
gence with which illiterate applicants answered the first 
three questions and the complete obtuseness which they 
usually displayed to subsequent questions was inspired by 
an idea. The next interview which he conducted was 
something as follows: 

Interviewer: What kind of work do you want? 
Applicant: Antonio Digigli. 
Interviewer: What's your name? 
Applicant: Fifty-four William Street. 
Interviewer: Where do you live? 
Applicant: Machine job. 

These three questions had become so stereotyped 
through constant use that their meaning and order had 
come to' be commonly known and illiterate applicants 
could, as a result, often mislead the interviewer for several 
minutes. However, aside from these simple and stereo- 
typed questions, there is a large number of questions which 
may be asked even of applicants who have already filled 
out a complete application blank. This is due to the end- 
less variety of circumstances which surround the choosing 
of a new employee. Every applicant is different from other 
applicants in one or more ways. The difference may lie 
either in his previous history or experience or in the kind of 
work for which he is applying. The questions which are 
necessary to bring out these differences are one of the most 
important phases of employment. 

A very large industry, well known for its employment 
methods, provides on its application blanks a series of 
items as a guide to the interviewer in selecting candidates. 



21 8 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

These items refer to qualities in the applicant which are to 
be determined either by observation or through questions. 
The former are enumerated and discussed in the chapter 
on Observation. The latter are as follows: 

Willingness to Work: Past record good Wants 

this kind of work Passive Has tried other 

things and not liked them Poor 

Knowledge of Work: Years experience at it Well 

trained Fair None at all 

Loyalty: Stands by all former first-class employers 

Moderately good Poor, but thinks well of us 

'Team Work: Booster Knocker Neutral 

Sobriety: Total abstainer Temperate Pe- 
riodic drinker Moderate drinker Hard 

drinker 

Desire to Improve: Correspondence schools Night 

schools Other study Ambitions 

Stability: Longest period in one place Chronic 

floater 

Among the above items there are many which are very 
important and about which valuable information may be 
obtained either through observation or through asking 
questions. However, the value of the information ob- 
tained through asking questions on these points will be 
directly in proportion to the value of the questions which 
are asked. In the first place, it must be remembered that, 
on some of these subjects, it is to the interest of the 
applicant to color the truth to his own advantage. Take, 
for instance, the item, willingness to work. If the inter- 
viewer asks: "Are you willing to wprk.'^" or "Do you 
like to work?'* is there any applicant who would answer: 
"No. I only want a job?" It is not very likely. The 



QUESTION TRADE TESTS 219 

only way in which this knowledge can be obtained is 
through the applicant's past record. If the applicant has a 
past record in the same company this is a simple matter. 
If not, it will be necessary to write for information to past 
employers whose names are given as references. However, 
answers to questions of this kind must invariably be dis- 
counted. Unless an employee has been flagrantly lazy or 
committed an outright crime, a previous employer will 
hardly ever have the courage or desire to say anything 
detrimental about him, especially when he is trying to 
make a new start elsewhere. While this is a tribute to the 
generosity of the ordinary employer, it is at the same 
time a fact which generally discounts the value of all 
references. It may almost be stated as a rule that an 
interviewer should never give much weight to endorse- 
ments from other sources unless the exact nature of these 
sources is known. As for the item, has tried other things and 
not liked them^ nearly every man who has failed in previous 
positions will give this as his answer. He is quite unlikely 
to say: "I have tried several kinds of work, but I was a 
failure every time." 

Another extremely important item is loyalty. The pres- 
ence or absence of this popular quality is evidently to be 
determined by questions concerning the applicant's atti- 
tude toward former employers. There are various ways 
in which the interviewer may ask these questions, but 
the substance of them all must inevitably reduce itself 
to something of the following form: "How did you like 
your last employer?" What answer may the applicant 
be expected to give to such a question? If he was laid 
off for lack of work, he may simply say: "I haven't any 
kick coming. I was laid off when the work ran down." 
However, if he was discharged for incompetency he is 



220 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

hardly likely to answer: "Oh, the foreman was all 
right. It was all my fault/* Obviously not. If an ap- 
plicant is looking for work elsewhere, it is very often 
because there was a hitch in his relations with his previous 
employers. But to stand up for these is to discredit him- 
self, and as an ordinary human being, in search of another 
job, it is expecting too much of the loyalty of any individ- 
ual to have him cast reflections upon himself. And as for 
the item, poor^ but thinks well of us^ can an applicant do 
anything but think well of the company with which he is 
trying to find work.^ Would any applicant be likely to 
say: "I don't think much of this company, but I need a 
job so badly that I am willing to take it anywhere"? 
Questions of this kind are obviously not worth asking. 

In questions of all kinds, the effect of suggestion cannot 
be overestimated. The interviewer may ask his questions 
in such a way as really to predetermine the answer which 
he shall receive. In the item of sobriety^ for instance, the 
interviewer may look sternly at the applicant and ask, 
in an almost threatening voice: "Do you drink .f*" The 
inevitable answer to a question asked in such a way is a 
horrified: "Oh, no, sir!" There are innumerable ways of 
asking this question. One might ask, following the items 
mentioned: "Are you a hard drinker or a moderate 
drinker?" The inevitable answer to this question will 
naturally be: "Moderate." And one would hardly ex- 
pect an applicant to answer to his detriment the question: 
"Do you get drunk often or only once in a while?" On 
the other hand, if an interviewer asks, with a disarming 
smile: "About how much do you drink?" he may get an 
answer somewhere near the truth. However, even this 
is very uncertain. Where an industry is known to refuse 
all appHcants who are anything but total abstainers, the 



QUESTION TRADE TESTS 221 

interviewer is only wasting time by asking questions on 
this subject; for no one would apply for work at such a 
place who was not determined to swear on his honor that 
he never touched a drop. 

These instances may be slight exaggerations, but they 
nevertheless serve to point out the absurdity of some 
questions. Moreover, they also point out the importance 
of the element of suggestion in an employment interview. 
One of the greatest discoveries of psychologists has been 
the part which suggestion plays in ordinary life, and the 
mechanism by which it works. In the case of the ordinary 
applicant, anxious to obtain a job, there is usually a great 
deal of room for the operation of this factor. The appli- 
cant is naturally very desirous of pleasing the interviewer 
as far as possible; for with him rests the decision as to 
whether he will obtain a job or not, and whether it will 
be a poor or a good one. Consequently, the applicant 
watches the interviewer for the least little sign. He liter- 
ally hangs upon his word and expression. He answers 
as nearly as possible what he thinks the interviewer 
would like to hear from him. He will praise the present 
company and condemn its rivals. He will insist on his 
willingness to work. He will be deferential and courteous. 
He will enlarge on his experience and training. He will 
describe his studies and call attention to his ambitions. 
In short, he will put his best foot forward. If, during the 
interview, he exaggerates slightly or distorts the truth, 
it is hardly fair to call him dishonest. He is simply giving 
himself the benefit of the doubt, and he is trying to rep- 
resent himself as the kind of a man that the interviewer, 
at the moment, would like him to be, — is, in fact, sug- 
gesting that he should be. If this is remembered, a great 
many questions which are now asked would be omitted. 



222 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

and others would be asked in a different manner. To ask 
questions v/ithout this fact in mind is to invite answers 
which will contribute very little valuable data to the 
ensemble of facts upon which the selection of an applicant 
must ultimately be based. 

Finally, these principles apply also to the higher types 
of work for which psychological tests are as yet inadequate. 
If it is difficult to interpret appearances and to ask in- 
telligent questions of ordinary candidates, it is infinitely 
more difficult to do so with applicants whose work is far 
more complex and intricate. For this reason, it is the 
customary practice of the employment office to send appli- 
cants of this type to men who are themselves in higher 
positions, on the assumption that the superior knowledge 
which these men have of the work in question will enable 
them to conduct a more satisfactory interview with the 
prospective employee. This assumption is undoubtedly 
well founded. The man who is familiar with a certain 
kind of work is in a position to ask questions about that 
work which are far more intelligent than those which an 
interviewer not so familiar with the work can ask. How- 
ever, even here there are grave possibilities of error in the 
same direction as those to which the ordinary employ- 
ment interviewer is liable. The man higher up is likely 
to be just as subject to prejudices and incidental signs as 
the employment manager, and often more so. Although 
more familiar with the requirements of his work, he may 
be less able to tell whether the candidate before him has 
the ability to meet those requirements. He may not have 
the experience or the technique necessary to ask just those 
questions which will give him the knowledge about the 
applicant which he would like to have. In short, it does 
not follow, simply because a man has been successful at a 



QUESTION TRADE TESTS 223 

certain kind of work, that he will be able to select others 
who will succeed. A successful industrial, production, 
or mechanical engineer is by no means a successful em- 
ployment interviewer. He may be a good judge of human 
nature and he may not. His success may rest largely on 
other grounds, such as special experience, education, or 
ability in a certain field. It is most often the case that 
if asked to state just what are the requirements of his 
position or what factors in his own make-up have enabled 
him to succeed, he is unable to give a clear and unam- 
biguous answer. Although he knows what his work is 
and although he possesses the qualities necessary to suc- 
ceed at it, he is still unable to state them. 

At this point the significance oi trade tests or, to use the 
more inclusive term, occupational tests^ becomes once 
more apparent. One of the commonest forms of the oc- 
cupational tests is a series of questions relating to the 
duties of a particular occupation. Accompanying these 
questions is a set of answers which may be expected from 
an applicant who knows the work under consideration. 
The development of such a series of questions for industrial 
use is by no means a simple task. The faults pointed out 
are only too likely to be committed, as the following inci- 
dent will show: 

A foreman of unusual ability in handling men, who had 
once been an employment manager and had interviewed 
many hundred of applicants, was asked to answer the 
following request: "Please put down ten questions which 
you consider the most important that might be asked a 
candidate for the position of gun assembler. These 
questions should be asked with a view of drawing out the 
candidate's knowledge of his trade and show his skill as 
a thoroughgoing assembler. Give also the correct answer 



224 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

to each question, such as you would expect from the ap- 
plicant who was being interviewed." Following are 
the actual questions and answers which were given by 
this foreman: 

1. O. What experience have you had as a gun assem- 
bler? A. More than five years on various makes, both 
rifle and shotgun. 

2. Q. What experience have you had as an assembler 
other than on guns? A. Have had several years' experi- 
ence on sewing machines and typewriters. 

3. Q. What kind of work requiring particularly close 
filing have you done ? A. Small- tool work. 

4. Q. Have you any trouble with your eyes. A? No. 

5. Q. Are you nervous? A. No. 

6. Q. Have you had such experience in shooting guns 
as to be able to determine the requirements of a finished 
gun? A. I have had both rifle, target, and shotgun prac- 
tice. 

7. Q. How long have you held each job? A. More 
than a year. 

8. Q. What are your habits? A. Sober, and never lose 
any time. 

9. Q. Have you had much trouble with the foremen for 
whom you worked? A. No. 

10. Q. Does gun assembling particularly appeal to you? 
A. Yes. 

Two of the above questions are obviously very good 
questions, and require specific answers. However, two 
others can be answered very vaguely, while six of the 
ten are of absolutely no value. These are questions 
numbers four, five, seven, eight, nine, and ten. If a man 
is applying for work as an assembler, and is asked whether 
such work appeals to him, he can hardly be expected to 



QUESTION TRADE TESTS 22^ 

say, "No, it doesn't, but I need the money." Neither 
can a large variety of answers be expected to such a 
question as: "Have you had much trouble with the fore- 
men for whom you worked?'* The question: "Are you 
nervous?'* will certainly not encourage an applicant to ad- 
mit the fact even if it is true. When the attention of the 
foreman who made out this list was called to these points 
and the real purpose of the questions explained to him, he 
was very much chagrined and said: "I ought to have 
known better, but to tell the truth, I made them out in a 
hurry and did not give them enough thought. Leave them 
with me, and I will make out another set which will be 
closer to what I think you want." The second attempt was 
a very great improvement on the first. It is given below 
in full because it will serve as a basis for the method of 
asking questions which is advocated here and which has 
already been developed to an unheard-of extent in con- 
nection with the classification of personnel for military 
and industrial purposes. 

1. Q. What experience have you had as a gun assem- 
bler? A. More than five years on various makes, both 
rifle and shotgun. 

2. Q. Name the most important adjustments on a gun. 
A. Breeching, locking, trigger, chamber, firing pin, barrel 
and sight alignment. 

3. Q. Why do you consider breeching important? A. 
Because if the gun is not breeched correctly the cartridge 
will be loose and cause unnecessary wear on chamber. 

4. Q. Why lock? A. If lock is not correctly adjusted the 
gun may fly open and injure the operator while shooting. 

5. Q. Why trigger? A. If trigger pull is too light, gun 
may jar off and injure some one, or if too heavy will cause 
poor targeting. 



226 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

6. Q. Why chamber? A. If the chamber is too large 
the shell will swell and cannot be extracted in the regular 
way. 

7. Q. Why firing pin? A. If the firing pin is too long 
there will be the danger of premature fire, if too short, of 
misfire. 

8. Q. Why barrel? A. If there is a seam In the barrel 
when shot it will burst open and if the barrel is not straight 
the gun will not shoot straight. 

9. Q. Why sight alignment? A. The alignment of 
sight is essential to correct shooting. 

10. Q. What experience as an assembler other than on 
guns? A. Have had several years' experience on sewing 
machines, typewriters, etc. 

11. Q. What kind of work requiring particularly close 
filing have you done? A. Small-tool work. 

These are valuable questions because they require 
specific answers about concrete and specific elements in the 
work of gun assembling. However, definite as they are, 
they could not be used as they stand with any certainty as 
to their value. It is first of all necessary to experiment 
with these questions on a sufficient number of men actually 
engaged in this work, in order to find out whether the 
questions are such that the best workers obtain the highest 
grade in the test and the poorest workers the lowest 
grade. In other words, it is necessary to find the correla- 
Hon between the performance of the men in the test and 
their actual ability at their trade. Moreover, it is also 
necessary, by the process of trial and error described in 
previous chapters, to eliminate ambiguous words, catch 
questions, ''guess" answers, and questions which permit 
a lengthy or indefinite explanation. In short, trade tests, 
whether in the form of questions or any other form, must 



QUESTION TRADE TESTS 227 

be developed by means of the technique of psychology 
if they are to be at once practical and reliable. 

A further development of the question method Is to 
base the questions asked on pictures or blueprints. A tool 
maker, for instance, might be shown a group of blueprints 
calling for operations on different machine tools and asked 
to name, offhand, various machines which are required 
for each. A machinist might be shown a picture of a 
collection of machine parts and tools and asked to name 
them. A third method is to give the applicant an op- 
portunity to demonstrate his ability by giving him, some 
representative task to perform. This type of test will 
be more fully discussed in a following chapter. 

In formulating and standardizing tests for trades and 
other technical occupations, too much emphasis cannot 
be placed upon the close cooperation between the tech- 
nical expert and the psychologist. The former alone can 
supply the facts necessary for the meat of a test. However, 
it is equally true that the technical expert cannot, as 
a rule, use his knowledge in the manner required by an 
employment test or interview. This deficiency must be 
supplemented by the psychologist, whose assistance in 
formulating the details and standards of a test and in 
giving it an experimental trial, is indispensable to its 
success. 

Even when the tests to be used have already been de- 
vised by experts elsewhere, their installation in another 
company should be handled with equal caution. Tech- 
nical experts from that company should be called on to 
examine the proposed tests and to see whether they really 
apply to their work. After the necessary revisions have 
been made, the tests should be tried out according to 
the usual method to see if they actually correlate. It is 



228 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

at this point that the difference between valuable and use- 
less tests will be discovered or overlooked. 

The following occurrence will help to show the impor- 
tance of preliminary trials. A set of trade tests for tool 
makers developed and standardized in a certain industry- 
were installed in the employment office of another com- 
pany. After they had been in use for a few months, three 
of the former expert tool makers of that company who had 
left to work with another concern returned and asked for 
their old positions. They were given the trade tests and 
two of the men failed to obtain even an apprentice rating 
while the third made a low journeyman's rating. All of 
these men had been considered among the best in the shop, 
and their failure in the tests therefore aroused the sus- 
picions of the employment manager. He decided to give 
the tests to the seventy-four tool makers in that particular 
shop, and out of that number forty-seven failed completely, 
twenty-one were rated as apprentices, and only six ob- 
tained a journeyman's rating. An analysis of the causes 
for this low correlation showed that the methods pursued 
in this shop were slightly different from those used in the 
shop where the tests had originated. Not until the tests 
were actually tried out under the new circumstances did 
the real nature of this difference become apparent. 

Trades and occupations are different in almost every 
industry to-day, and the practical significance of these dif- 
ferences for employment will be revealed only by means of 
experiments and actual trials such as have been described. 

Valuable as trade tests are, it must not be forgotten 
that they are limited in their scope. As their name in- 
dicates, they apply only to trades; that is, to occupations 
which involve a certain body of standard knowledge such 
as may be acquired during the course of an apprentice- 



II 



QUESTION TRADE TESTS 229 

ship period. However, the dominant tendency in in- 
dustry is the breaking down of the trades into specialties. 
The overwhelming majority of jobs to-day can be learned 
in from one day to three weeks. It is little more than use- 
less to develop trade tests for such a variety of quickly 
learned tasks. It is much more valuable to find tests for 
innate specific abilities, for the lack of trade knowledge 
is not a serious hindrance for a task which takes only a 
short time to learn. 

In order to obtain the most efficacious results from the 
use of question tests it is highly advisable to ask the ques- 
tions in connection with an actual demonstration in a 
prepared demonstrating room. However, it is well to 
have a short series of prepared questions for use in the 
employment office, in order that the more flagrantly unfit 
and ignorant applicants may be eliminated at once. Those 
candidates who pass this preliminary set of technical 
questions will then be allowed to pass into the demon- 
strating room, where they will be asked to demonstrate 
certain important activities of their trade under the eyes 
of a skilled observer. In this connection, a further series 
of questions can be held in readiness, questions which con- 
cern the actual work in hand and also the various tools 
which must be used for that purpose. As a preliminary 
demonstration and set of questions, a very successful 
procedure is to have displayed before the applicant a set 
of tools, both appropriate and inappropriate. The can- 
didate can then be asked to select those tools which are 
commonly used in his trade and to name them as he picks 
them out. This is a very simple test, but one which has 
been found very effective in separating the sheep from the 
goats. The suggestion made by one of the workmen and 
related in Chapter VI is also a very useful device. A great 



230 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

many occupations require a certain ability in filing. To 
discover something of an applicant's ability in this 
direction, he may be placed before an assortment of files 
and parts and be asked to do one or more pieces of filing. 
The files which he picks up and the manner in which he 
handles them will be a token to the expert of his ability 
in this respect. 

Naturally, it cannot be expected that these devices and 
tests for choosing and rating applicants can be perfect 
or final. Not until the worker is actually engaged at his 
task and confronted with definite and unexpected prob- 
lems will his genuine ability and experience be fully dis- 
played. The logical step after those which have now 
been described is a period of approval, during which the 
new worker is given actual work and closely observed 
under conditions of normal activity. However, this phase 
of employment must be left for another discussion. In 
the meanwhile, the methods suggested if carefully worked 
out and conscientiously applied, will greatly facilitate 
both the classification and the rating of applicants before 
they are turned into the larger organization. And in 
working out the technique for a procedure covering these 
phases of employment, the psychologist can be of great 
value to the experts who will be required to work out the 
details of the demonstration and the questions to be asked. 
For the psychologist, aside from his knowledge of the work- 
ings of the mind, is familiar with the requirements of an 
exact technique such as will be essential if these phases 
of employment are to be placed upon a sound and scientific 
basis. When the questions to be asked an applicant are 
given the careful attention and experimental study de- 
scribed, then the answers obtained will have a genuine 
value. 



XIX 

THE OBSERVATIONAL METHOD 

OBSERVING APPEARANCES 

Judging by appearances plays a large part in all em- 
ployment work, and yet, of all methods of estimating 
character, it is the most unreliable. Every language is full 
of proverbs to the effect that beauty is only skin deep, 
fine feathers do not make a fine bird, and handsome is as 
handsome does. That appearances must be relied on to 
some extent, nobody will deny. There are innumerable 
instances in daily life in which the only method open to 
us is to judge people by means of a fleeting impression. 
As long as not much is at stake in such judgments, we 
may indulge in them as far as we like without suffering 
any consequences more serious than an occasional blow 
to our self-esteem on discovering that our original impres- 
sion has been totally wrong. Mistakes like these are 
easily forgotten by the ordinary optimistic human being. 
However, in the case of large organizations, where the 
process of estimating individuals involves very important 
stakes, the observational method is extremely dangerous 
and inadequate. The mistakes which such organizations 
make in their estimates cannot be forgotten but are au- 
tomatically translated into an economic loss. 

Let us take some instances to illustrate this statement. 
Most people would probably not hesitate to assert that 
they can pick the healthy individuals of a group in the 
majority of cases — let us say nine times out of ten — by 

231 



232 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

means of mere observation. But can mere observation 
gauge the beat of a man's pulse, or the pressure of his 
blood, or the temperature of his body? Can it detect any- 
one of the hundred and one ailments which may afflict 
an individual healthy to all outward appearances? What 
should we think of an insurance company which selected 
its risks by mere observation, or of an army which selected 
its men by giving them only the "once over'*? The 
physical examination, with its thoroughness, its mechan- 
ical aids, its chemical analysis, is a standing testimony 
to the unreliability of observation. To guess correctly 
nine times out of ten may be possible, especially to those 
who are gifted with the knack. However, an insurance 
company which guessed correctly nine times out of ten 
would be bankrupt in a very short time. And an army 
which made only one mistake in ten would in all prob- 
ability break down at the crucial test. Industries, until 
recently, have labored along under the economic burden 
which their mistakes in this respect imposed on them. 
However, there are now signs in the recognition of the im- 
portance of the labor-turnover problem that these mis- 
takes will not be tolerated much longer. 

The phrase, observational method^ is used here to mean 
making an estimate of an individual on the basis of a 
cursory scrutiny of his general appearance and of those 
actions which are likely to appear during the characteristic 
short employment interview. Naturally, the longer an 
observation is continued the more things about an in- 
dividual it can include and the more reliable the resulting 
judgment will be. But, even prolonged observations are 
not necessarily reliable, and it often happens that, after 
having known friends for years, we find that we have 
not really known them at all. The employment interview 



THE OBSERVATIONAL METHOD 233 

IS necessarily very brief, and permits only the most super- 
ficial observation. 

During the course of some of the experiments described, 
it was the practice of the experimenter to note, on one 
side of the record card, his personal impressions of the 
subject being examined. These observations, as already 
described in Chapter III, were recorded under the follow- 
ing heads: 

General Intelligence 

Attention 

Rhythm 

Personal Appearance 

Physique 

The object of this practice was to find out by means of 
a later comparison how well the estimates based upon mere 
observation tallied with the actual production records and 
also with the records in the tests. At the end of the first 
experiment, this comparison showed a fair if not a re- 
markable agreement with the more reliable production 
records. The experimenter, who had had considerable 
experience in selecting people by means of mere observa- 
tion and who had a certain degree of confidence in his 
ability as a judge, was naturally pleased by this agree- 
ment. However, upon comparing his estimates of in- 
spectors with his estimates of gaugers, he found, to his 
surprise, that they were almost alike. In short, he had 
estimated the girls in one group as good, poor, and indif- 
ferent, and had estimated the girls in the other group in the 
same way. But there was nothing in his estimates which 
made it possible to separate the successful gaugers from 
the successful inspectors ^ although nearly all of the gaugers 
were girls who had first tried inspection and had Jailed, 



234 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

What we really do when we judge a person is to express a 
peculiar feeling of liking, indifference, or dislike. We are 
impressed either favorably or unfavorably, or we receive a 
neutral impression. Sometimes we can account for this 
impression, frequently we cannot. Often the most trivial 
fact or happening determines it. This impression we are 
likely to interpret in terms of industry, attention, and 
other personal attributes. However, as will be pointed 
out in the chapter on job analysis, general qualities of this 
kind have little significance when applied to the process of 
choosing particular individuals for particular jobs. In 
the instance given, two groups of girls were observed and 
the estimates expressed were, in general, correct. So far 
as unaided observation could judge, these two groups 
were almost on the same level. Sitting on opposite sides 
of the same room, there was very little observable differ- 
ence between them. If they had been lined up before the 
employment interviewer, they would have had equal 
opportunities of being chosen for either inspection or 
gauging. And yet, there was a difference between these 
girls which divided them, after a number of trials in the 
shop, into two distinct groups. One group was best 
fitted for one kind of work, the other for another 
kind. 

Now, when we consider that this is only a single in- 
stance, and that a modern industry comprises an almost 
endless variety of tasks and people, the inadequacy of the 
observational method with its general likes and dislikes, 
its loose classifications made on broad lines, becomes in- 
creasingly apparent. It is not enough for an applicant to 
make a good general impression when he is applying for a 
position as accountant. He should be able to show or to 
demonstrate concretely that he has the training and 



II 



THE OBSERVATIONAL METHOD 235 

ability necessary for an accountant. What an industry is 
interested in is not so much general qualities as specific 
abilities. This is an age of specialization in every field, of 
the utmost division of labor and talent. The task of the 
employment ofRce of a large or a small industry is to 
classify applicants into groups which are as specific as 
are the various jobs which they are called upon to per- 
form. For this task the old method of observation, even 
in the hands of the most skilled observer, is entirely in- 
adequate. 

However, it may be claimed that observation, even if 
limited to general impressions, has a valuable place in the 
process of employment. This may be admitted and it 
may still be said that the place which at present it holds 
is far too valuable. Far too much weight is placed upon 
the results of observation. As one instance typical of the 
emphasis on observation are quoted the following items 
which, together with certain other items discussed in a 
previous chapter, appear on the application form of a very 
large industry well known for its progressive employment 
methods: 

Personal Appearance: Dress, neat medium 

or slovenly Carriage, alert medium or 

slouchy 

Initiative: Wants to lead in everything Creative 

Quiet pusher Prefers to be led Good 

Mixer 

Activity: Live wire nervously quick moder- 
ate. .... .phlegmatic slow but steady 

These items are headed " Interviewer's Impressions ", and 
constitute the chief basis upon which the applicant is 
hired. They are so characteristic and so frequently met 



I^d EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

with in employment work that it is worth while con- 
sidering them in a little detail. The first item, personal 
appearance^ is one of the most common and at the same 
time one of the most unreliable points of criticism. Many 
an accountant whose books are the acme of neatness and 
accuracy may wear a shiny coat and a collar which is 
frazzled around the edges. And many a mechanic who 
turns out his work with dispatch and completeness has a 
slouchy and sometimes even slovenly carriage. There 
are certain kinds of work in which appearances are par- 
ticularly important as, for instance, in the case of sales- 
men, floor walkers, solicitors, and others whose success 
depends largely upon the impression which they can 
make in a momentary interview. But, for the large 
majority of factory and office jobs, these traits must be 
given a very liberal interpretation. Many a worthy man 
who has been in too great a hurry to shave or whose 
laundry has not arrived in time to contribute to his ap- 
pearance in the employment office, will otherwise be lost 
to the organization. 

The qualities listed under the head of initiative might 
have some general value if their presence or absence could 
be detected; but how they are to be discovered by mere 
observation or by a short interview is a question difficult 
to answer. Even if the applicant does have the mysterious 
sign of creativeness stamped upon him in some observable 
way, it means very little. The important point is: What is 
the nature of his creativeness? Is it a faculty for creating 
objects or methods useful to the particular work in which he 
is engaged, or is it a peculiar faculty for creating a dis- 
turbance among his co-workers ? And as for being a quiet 
pusher^ an applicant may be very quiet and give indica- 
tions of being full of restrained energy during an inter- 



THE OBSERVATIONAL METHOD 237 

View; but once established in a position, he may be a loud 
"knocker", and his pushing may consist of trying to push 
other people "off the map". Preferring to be led and 
wanting to lead are also two pretty and time-honored 
distinctions, and very valuable ones when properly made. 
However, there is nothing in a brief interview which will 
justify making such a distinction. And a man's own word 
in this respect is the last thing to be trusted. Not many 
men will acknowledge that they prefer to be led, and that 
they are passive, or lack energy. Closely allied to these 
items are those given under the head of activity^ namely, 
live wire, nervously quick, slow but steady, phlegmatic. 
These descriptions are very commonly applied in daily 
speech. But how is a live wire to be detected by mere ob- 
servation? Because a man jerks out his words, bites his 
finger nails, keeps his hands and feet in constant motion, 
and gives many similar signs, it may be proper to call him 
a live wire or nervously quick. But the question which 
such nice phrases do not answer is: How does this life and 
nervous energy transform itself? Does it do work or does 
it only expend itself in motion? Is it constant or is it only 
flickering? Is it backed by ability, or is it only a man- 
nerism, an eccentricity? The same thing may be said 
about the epithets slow but steady, and phlegmatic. An 
applicant may have a slow but steady way of answering 
questions and filling out an application form but he may 
be a live wire when it comes to planning a shop layout, or 
setting up an intricate machine. There are many workers 
who give the appearance of being very phlegmatic who 
produce an uncanny amount of work. The saying that 
still waters run deep applies to men in the employment 
office as well as elsewhere. The quality of being a good 
mixer is one which is most uncertain. Human relation- 



238 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

ships, when long continued, depend on such a large num- 
ber and variety of subtleties, that it is reckless to call a 
man a good mixer simply because he has a bluff and 
hearty manner. Many men can mix well with others 
during the first few hours, but very poorly as soon as the 
first impression they make has been supplemented by a 
more prolonged acquaintance. 

In all these instances, it is apparent that observation 
relies upon signs, and that in order to form an estimate 
of a man, the interviewer must be able to read the proper 
meaning into the signs which are revealed to him. Here 
lies the crux of the weakness of this method. This weak- 
ness is implied by the single word interpretation. Before 
the observer can arrive at an estimate of an individual, he 
must first interpret the signs which this individual reveals. 
But how is he to interpret them ? What standard or rule 
or system is there which will guide him in his interpreta- 
tion? There is none. It is entirely a matter of judgment 
or knack on the part of the interviewer. And, as a conse- 
quence of this fact, all the objections which were raised 
in the introduction against the unscientific method and 
against any method which is open to the variables of the 
human equation, can be raised against the observational 
method. In the absence of any plan or standard of 
interpretation, each interviewer must be his own stand- 
ard, and the manner in which he interprets the signs he 
sees will depend entirely upon the kind of man he is. The 
observer will be guided by his previous experience, by the 
mood he happens to be in, by his racial and social preju- 
dices, and by the hundred and one other factors which 
unconsciously go to make up his attitude. Moreover, 
when one interviewer in an employment ofiice is replaced 
by another, he brings with him a new and probably en- 



THE OBSERVATIONAL METHOD 239 

tirely unlike set of ideas and notions about human nature, 
so that his manner of interpreting observed signs will be 
quite different from the practice of his predecessor. These 
facts have already been sufficiently discussed in the 
introductory chapter. There is, however, one more 
variable factor in the observational method which has 
not been discussed but which is very important. 

According to the experience of the writer, and according 
to the testimony of various employment experts, there is a 
very strong tendency at times to become entirely oblivious 
to the appearance and actions of those who are being inter- 
viewed. The process of hiring becomes at such times al- 
most wholly mechanical. The mind of the observer be- 
comes almost a blank, and all faces take on the same 
general appearance. The differences in dress, actions, and 
appearance which served as some guide to the interviewer 
before seem to fade into a dim haze, as if the observer had 
become intoxicated with too much gazing. The sole re- 
maining thought is to fill the necessary requisitions as 
expeditiously as possible. This phenomenon has been 
verified by the experience of employment experts who 
have interviewed thousands of people, and, although 
apparently fantastic in the extreme, becomes only nat- 
ural upon second thought. It is inevitable for the mind 
of the observer to become tired and confused toward the 
end of a busy morning or afternoon. And at such times, 
it is no longer possible to see the distinctions between 
applicants which were plain before. When this condition 
arises, employment degenerates into mere routine and 
an enormous number of costly mistakes are made. 

In spite of the large number of weaknesses which the 
observational method possesses, and even though it is 
thoroughly unscientific in its method or rather in its lack 



240 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

of method, attempts have been made to transform it 
into a reliable and scientific method of character analysis. 
In fact, there has been no hesitation on the part of those 
making this attempt to dignify their method by calling 
it a science. This so-called science has received wide 
publicity and has been accepted by many prominent and 
hard-headed business men. It attempts to place observa- 
tion on a scientific basis by assuming that certain ob- 
servable physical characteristics are identified with certain 
definite mental qualities, and by asserting as a corollary 
that a visual observation and measurement of the physical 
characteristics enable the observer to gauge a person's 
mental, moral, and emotional qualities. The smattering 
of scientific phraseology in the presentation of this method 
is just sufficient to impress those who have only a super- 
ficial knowledge of the scientific facts involved. For in- 
stance, one of the statements made is that scientists have 
proved that a large head indicates a large brain and conse- 
quently a capable mind. Now, as a matter of fact, 
scientists have worked over this point for fifty years or 
more without reaching such a conclusion. After having 
measured thousands of heads and investigated thousands 
of cases, their general conclusion is that, although there 
may be a general agreement between size of the skull and 
intellectual ability, the agreement is too indefinite to 
apply to individual cases or to use as a basis for practical 
predictions. (For a short and comprehensive account and 
bibliography on this point, see G. M. Whipple, " Manual 
of Mental and Physical Tests ", Vol. I, pp. 79-91.) On the 
other hand, biologists and physiologists tell us that mental 
power is determined not so much by the size of the head or 
the expansion of the brain, as by the convolutions and the 
quality of the brain structure. Another claim advanced is 



I 



THE OBSERVATIONAL METHOD 24 1 

that a skin of Rne texture indicates a mind of fine texture 
and consequently an intellectual mind. The scientific 
fact advanced to support this view is that the brain is 
originally an ingrowth of the skin. This is true. However, 
it by no means follows, because the skin of the embryo 
turns inward and later develops into the nervous system, 
that there is any functional connection between the two. 
To say that a fine skin betokens a fine mind is nothing more 
than a pretty play upon words. 

Scientists are agreed on the fact that there are certain 
broad mental functions which are localized in fairly 
definite parts of the brain. We know, for instance, that 
certain motor areas are located along the fissure of Ro- 
lando, and certain kinaesthetic sensory areas in the same 
region. Other areas are also generally defined. However, 
these areas refer to regions in the brain and not bumps on 
the head. Moreover, no scientist has as yet established a 
definite relation between specific parts of the brain and 
specific mental, moral, and emotional qualities, such as 
initiative, will-power, and artistic temperament; and cer- 
tainly not between such traits and physical characteristics 
as the color of the hair and the position of the eyes. These 
facts are entirely in the field of conjecture. If any fact 
stands out as prophetic of future developments, it is the 
fact that the mind or nervous system is so interwoven 
and integrative in its action that definite locations for 
definite or rather indefinite personal qualities will never be 
found. Sherrington's work on " The Integrative Action of 
the Nervous System " is a great contribution toward estab- 
lishing this fact. It follows, therefore, that the funda- 
mental assumption on which the so-called science of 
observation rests is an assumption entirely unwarranted 
by the facts. (Note. A more complete discussion of this 



242 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

subject is given in H. L. Hollingworth's book on Voca- 
tional Psychology under the head of "The Pseudo-Science 
of Physiognomy/' pp. 32-56.) 

However, even if there were a specific relation between 
mental and physical characteristics, the observer would 
still be unable to make accurate use of this fact. Human 
observation, from the scientific standpoint, is one of the 
most unreliable of all faculties. Any student of elemen- 
tary psychology knows the limits of the powers of per- 
ception and the many errors to which they are subject. 
Observation depends upon the eye, and the eye is a very 
imperfect instrument. It cannot be relied on in esti- 
mating sizes or judging textures, or in gauging colors, or in 
making due allowance for perspective and distance, or in a 
large number of other respects. The effect of habit and 
suggestion in creating optical illusions is a well-known 
fact. The same liability to error is true of all the senses, 
— tactual, visual, auditory, kinaesthetic, smell, and taste. 
How, then, can the observer distinguish between those 
comparatively slight differences in size, shape, color, 
texture, and so forth which are supposed to make up 
differences in character.? And if the individual is liable to 
error in this respect, what about the judgments of two or 
more observers, observing the same person? The in- 
equalities in the observations of different people have 
been shown by thousands of careful experiments. Every 
psychological laboratory contains standard tests by which 
to demonstrate these facts, and the first experiments 
which the beginner tries are calculated to show the in- 
accuracy of visual, tactual, and auditory observation. 
In this respect, the psychological laboratory only elabo- 
rates what is already accepted by the practices of common 
sense; for no buyer would think of allowing the merchant 



THE OBSERVATIONAL METHOD 



243 



to substitute for the scales and the yardstick his own 
unverified observation. It is impossible to build up a 
science of observation in any field except by getting away 
from observation as such, and supplementing it with 
scientific tests or measures like those which have been 
already discussed. 

But, even if observation were accurate and reliable, 
it would still be under a great handicap. For example, 
what a great change in the shape of a man's head and the 
height of his forehead is made by a hair cut. A man who, 
to the observer, looks like a ferocious round-headed 
simian one day, may become a mild-featured, sedentary, 
long-headed bookkeeper the next — after a hair cut and 
a shave. What a remarkable difference may be wrought 
in the texture of the skin by a hot bath ! How compara- 
tively easy it is to govern one's appearance and to act the 
part for which one is aspiring. The practical significance 
of this contention is shown by the substitution of the 
Bertillon finger-print method for the photographic method 
of identifying individuals. The former is far the more 
accurate. 

Even if the three weaknesses outlined above did not 
exist, there would still remain the following great difficulty. 
The method which we have been discussing judges char- 
acter by analyzing and comparing the parts of an in- 
dividual with other parts of the same individual. Is the 
head long in proportion to its width? Is it high in propor- 
tion to its length? These and similar questions show how 
the individual is compared with himself instead of with 
other individuals. There is no standard of shapes and 
sizes to which the observer can compare individuals and 
with reference to which he can form his conclusions. There 
is nothing to correspond with the exact standards set by 



244 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

psychological tests. It has been seen how the use of tests 

makes it possible to compare applicants in an exact way 
with each other and with a mathematically exact standard 
which has been experimentally determined beforehand. 
The observational method does not provide such stand- 
ards, and makes it impossible to compare people with 
each other except in the crudest way. Nor does it pro- 
vide a standard type, based upon a careful-job analysis, to 
which applicants can be compared. Sometimes, the pic- 
ture of a man, well known as a success in a particular 
field, is given as an example. But such pictures are not 
scientific standards, and can not be used as a basis for 
making measurements and exact comparisons. The 
pictures of George Washington and Abraham Lincoln 
can not be used as a guide in the election of other pres- 
idents. Moreover, it is absurd to expect an observer to 
carry standards in his head, and to compare sizes, colors, 
textures and so on in his mind. This is the very antithesis 
of the scientific method. 

Finally, the method of observation described does 
not rise above describing character in terms of gen- 
eralities and abstract personal qualities. Since its funda- 
mental measurements are of the crudest sort, the terms 
in which it estimates people are necessarily equally 
crude. The great variety of distinctions and the many 
concrete differences in abilities which must be taken into 
account in modern industry are covered here only by 
generalities. It may be that observation is better cal- 
culated to bring out the extreme differences between 
men, to select the genius or the exceptional man from 
among the large and colorless mediocre class. This would 
indeed be a boon to mankind. However, a scientific 
procedure which can attain to this height has not yet been 



I 



THE OBSERVATIONAL METHOD 245 

developed. Psychologists will be the first to admit this. 
The higher we go in the scale of success, the more numer- 
ous and complex the factors which have to be taken into 
consideration. Until we master those fields of employ- 
ment where the activities involved are comparatively 
simple, it will be presumptuous to leap at a problem 
infinitely more difficult. If the observational method is 
inadequate to analyze the character of ordinary in- 
dividuals, it would be rash to assume that it is able to 
analyze the exceptional man. 

OBSERVING RELEVANT ACTIONS 

As a matter of fact, the observation upon which most of 
us rely is not so much the observation of appearances as 
the observation of actions. In this respect, as in the 
field of pictures, we prefer the moving picture to the old- 
fashioned photograph. The amount of knowledge about a 
character which a picture can impart is almost directly 
determined by the number and kind of actions in which 
the character takes part. In meeting people, we are 
undoubtedly impressed at the very outset by their ap- 
pearance. However, we are quite prepared to modify this 
impression in the light of their subsequent actions, thus 
living up to the adage that handsome is as handsome does. 
Examples of this kind are probably vividly present in 
the minds of all. One which the writer remembers in 
particular is that of a young girl about sixteen years old, 
who came to apply for work as a stenographer. She was 
below normal size, her face was small and childlike, her 
hair was in a braid down her back, her manner was ex- 
ceedingly diffident. When she sat down to take the typing 
test her feet did not reach the floor. So far as appear- 
ances went, she looked like anything but a capable girl. 



246 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

certainly not like a capable stenographer. And yet she 
picked up a notebook and took down the dictation given 
her with a rapidity and assurance that were most con- 
vincing. And when she began transcribing her notes, she 
did so with a vigor and confidence that left no mistake as 
to her ability. The capability which this girl displayed in 
action was entirely out of harmony with her general ap- 
pearance. 

The employment interviewer is usually on the lookout 
for actions which will enable him to form a better estimate 
of an applicant. Even if he is not consciously looking for 
such actions, he is influenced by them nevertheless. The 
candidate's language, his manner of expression, his general 
attitude, his walk, and a number of other acts which may 
express themselves during the course of an interview, all 
play a very important part in the final conclusion. How- 
ever, the usual interview is so short as to make it impossi- 
ble to watch more than a very few of the applicant's 
activities, and the knowledge of the individual which they 
reveal is therefore very superficial and fragmentary. The 
most important objection to forming judgments in this 
way is the fact that the actions which the candidate re- 
veals during an interview are in most cases totally irrel- 
evant; that is, they are actions which have little or nothing 
to do with the work for which the candidate is applying. 
An applicant for the position of tool maker, for instance, 
may stutter his replies and act very awkwardly during an 
interview, thus producing a very unfavorable impression 
on the interviewer. However, his clumsy actions in this 
respect are no reliable indication of his ability as a tool 
maker. The lack of activity and alertness which the girl 
just described manifested while she was being inter- 
viewed was not a good indication of the energy and ability 



THE OBSERVATIONAL METHOD 247 

which she later displayed. An electrician's ability to 
write as shown by his application blank is likely to be a 
very poor sign of his ability to set up motors. At best, 
the process of employment is a staged process, and the 
activities which an applicant is likely to manifest under 
these staged conditions are not the activities which go 
to make up his truest self. And to judge him by the 
irrelevant acts which he commits under these unnatural 
conditions is to do him and the industry concerned a 
grave injustice. 

The difficulty just described is a fundamental difficulty 
and one which has been universally recognized. Never- 
theless, it can be in a large measure overcome. One way in 
which to mitigate it is to make it possible for the applicant 
to express his true self in terms of relevant rather than 
irrelevant actions. The interview and the employment 
mechanism must be so arranged as to enable him to give 
an actual demonstration of his ability. For instance, if a 
man applies for work as a lathe hand, a lathe should be in 
readiness and the man should be given a few representative 
tasks under the eyes of an expert mechanic. The manner 
in which he goes about these tasks — it will not be neces- 
sary to complete them — will enable the expert to place an 
estimate on the ability of the applicant. A man who claims 
to be an all-round tool maker can be given a similar trial. 
In fact, it is advisable to have in the immediate vicinity 
of the employment office a complete equipment of repre- 
sentative machines and operations which can be used for 
this purpose. In this way, a large number of applicants 
can be given an opportunity actually to demonstrate 
their ability, and thus furnish a fairly reliable basis upon 
which to make an estimate. 

The probable objection to this plan is that it ties up a 



248 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

large equipment for infrequent use. However, if this 
equipment is used not only for demonstrating purposes 
but for the purpose of training new operators as well, 
this objection will disappear. The training of new work- 
ers is an employment function which will be discussed 
more fully in the chapter on vestibule schools. In the 
meanwhile, it may be said that the same experts who are 
used as instructors in the training school may be employed 
as expert observers when candidates are giving demon- 
strations of their ability. It may also be objected that 
the length of time consumed in allowing applicants to 
show their skill makes such a method too clumsy and 
expensive. But, when it is remembered that the cost 
of breaking in a skilled or semi-skilled worker, both in 
the amount of scrap which a green worker makes and 
the amount of supervision he requires, varies between 
fifty and three hundred dollars, this objection falls to the 
ground. Obviously, a little more pains at the outset, and 
corrective training for the weaknesses which the candidate 
manifests during his demonstration, would amply justify 
itself. It may be objected that such demonstrations 
should be conducted in the shop and under the direct 
supervision of the foreman. This method, however, would 
shift the burden of employment work back to the source 
from which it was taken. In order to standardize the 
methods of employment and of rating applicants, it is 
quite essential to have all these functions, including the 
training of new employees, under the direct supervision of 
the employment office. 

A final objection which may be made to this method is 
that it still remains stagey; that is, the- entire process is one 
which is arranged for that particular purpose and which 
therefore prevents the applicant from doing justice to 



THE OBSERVATIONAL METHOD 249 

himself. This is quite true. However, no employment 
process can ever get beyond this state of artificiality. Its 
degree of staginess can only be lessened. The important 
fact about the outlined procedure is that it stages the inter- 
view or demonstration of an applicant in the field in which 
he is most at home. It enables him to act in the manner 
in which his trade or occupation has taught him to act, 
and, in this way, it greatly decreases the degree of nervous- 
ness or embarrassment to which the applicant is subject. 

The logical culmination of this method is found in the 
psychological examination. This is the final step in 
choosing relevant actions on the part of the applicant and 
in placing the proper estimate upon these actions. First 
of all, the psychological method finds, by means of an 
experimental process, just what the relevant activities in 
an occupation or an operation are. This it does by means 
of tests which are tried out on workers whose ability is 
known and with whose work the tests can be compared 
and correlated. In this process, it also discovers the 
standard which ought to be met in the significant tests by 
those who wish to succeed at the kind of work in question. 
It then standardizes the manner in which these tests should 
be used, so that every appHcant for a particular kind of 
work will be examined in exactly the same way, and his 
ability determined according to the same formula. In this 
way those uncertain factors due to the human equation 
which are present to a greater or lesser extent in all the 
methods described are largely eliminated; and the method 
of observation is finally supplemented in such a way as 
to make it indeed a science. 

From this discussion it becomes clear once more that 
the entire trend of employment psychology is to subordi- 
nate irrelevant appearances to relevant actions, and the 



l^O EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 



show to the reality. To one familiar with the history of 
employment methods, this is a most fascinating develop- 
ment. In concentrating upon the relevant actions of a 
person, the irrelevant details are almost entirely lost sight 
of. Facts about an applicant such as religion, race, 
society, mannerism, which in the mind of the ordinary 
observer are likely to be most important, are here of sec- 
ondary importance. The main emphasis is upon action 
and ability. 



XX 

JOB ANALYSIS 

Much has been said and written about character 
analysis, but very little, in comparison, about job analysis. 
However, in the process of selecting employees, the latter 
is as important as the former. Obviously, it is useless for 
an employment manager to be able to analyze people 
unless he is able to analyze equally well the positions in 
which he intends to place them. We have, therefore, these 
two distinct aspects of selection, the analysis of the man, 
and the analysis of the job, equally necessary in the selec- 
tion of the right man for the right job. And the successful 
employment manager or employment system must be 
able to meet both of these necessities. 

This is a much more difficult and complicated task to- 
day than it was a few years ago, and vastly more difficult 
than it was before industry reached its present stage of 
development. In times past, trades and occupations were 
limited in number, and consequently it was a much 
simpler task to be familiar with them. Since that time, 
the great mechanical discoveries and inventions, and the 
consequent division of labor, have brought about an al- 
most unlimited increase in the number and variety of 
trades and occupations, so that the problem of job analysis 
to-day is one of utmost complexity. Particularly true is 
this since the growth of industry has brought under one 
organization many different trades which were formerly 
split up into small shops and factories. Before this cen- 

251 



252 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

tralization took place, it was the custom of each shop 
foreman to hire his own men. The shop foreman was at 
least fairly familiar with the jobs in his particular shop, 
and could interview applicants with direct reference to the 
work which he expected them to do. His intimate knowl- 
edge of jobs was of inestimable value in selecting the right 
man for the right job. However, the growth of large 
industries, with the consequent centralization of functions, 
has brought with it the centralization of all employment 
functions. Consequently, instead of ten or a hundred 
different shop foremen, each hiring his own men in his own 
way, we have one employment office in which a few men 
do all the hiring for every shop and office in the organiza- 
tion and for nearly all of the dozens and often hundreds of 
varieties of jobs which may be found there. 

The advantages of the centralized employment office in 
standardizing rates, records, clerical methods, and in 
making the most economical use of the labor available are 
unquestionable. There is no longer a doubt that a central 
control of all the factors in the relation between an indus- 
trial organization and its employees is indispensable. 
However, it is equally certain that in giving up the old 
form of decentralized employment, industry lost also the 
one most valuable feature of the old method. This was 
the firsthand knowledge of the different jobs under his 
control which the foreman of each shop had and which 
he was able to apply in hiring new men. When the func- 
tions of hiring were centralized, the knowledge of these 
jobs was to a large extent lost. This is only natural, since 
it is manifestly impossible to maintain a force of inter- 
viewers who shall be experts in all of the jobs concerned. 
And for the employment manager or his employment 
clerks to have this knowledge is still further beyond the 



JOB ANALYSIS 253 

bounds of possibility. Consequently, the work of em- 
ployment has been carried on with only a superficial 
knowledge, in most cases, of the jobs affected. There is 
no doubt that, in the first flush of ease with which this 
method functioned, the importance of this factor was 
largely lost sight of. And it is equally certain that this 
oversight has played a considerable part in the high labor 
turnover which has characterized industry in recent 
years. 

This difficulty has not gone entirely unrecognized, and 
various attempts have been made to overcome it. Among 
them is the retention, as employment interviewers of men 
who are experts in certain kinds of work. Their first- 
hand knowledge of the work presumably fits them to 
recognize during the course of an interview the applicant's 
qualifications for it. This method, while decidedly better 
than one in which interviewers are not experts, has certain 
shortcomings. In the first place, the increasing variety of 
jobs makes it cumbersome and uneconomical, if not im- 
possible, to maintain expert interviewers in every one of 
them. Moreover, it is one thing to be an expert at a cer- 
tain job and another to discover by means of an interview 
the presence or absence of the necessary ability in a 
stranger. Expert workers are seldom expert inter- 
viewers or judges of human nature. 

As an alternative, especially where the more skilled 
trades are concerned, it is often the practice to send 
applicants directly to the proper shop, and to let the 
foreman of the shop hold the decisive interview. This 
method has certain advantages, but it really defeats the 
very purpose of a centralized employment system in that 
it tends to delegate its powers of discretion to the fore- 
man. At the same time, it places back on the foreman a 



254 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

burden of which he should, to a very large extent, have 
been relieved. In exceptional cases the employment 
office may be obliged to ask some expert in the shops to 
interview an applicant; but in the majority of cases the 
employment office should be able to make and be respon- 
sible for its own decisions. 

Another plan, and one which is also commendable, is to 
give prospective interviewers a special course of training 
in order to acquaint them with the kinds of work for 
which they are to hire applicants. This is a vast improve- 
ment over the plan which allows mere clerks to conduct 
the interviews. However, it also has its drawbacks. In 
the first place, a man trained in this way is likely to have 
only a superficial knowledge of jobs; and while this is 
better than none, it is still too fragmentary to make his 
estimate of an applicant's ability in a certain direction 
very authoritative. Moreover, as long as the knowledge 
of jobs is based upon the impressions which a group of 
constantly changing interviewers gain in this manner, 
there is certain to be a trouble-breeding variation and 
inconsistency in their methods of employment. This 
difficulty has already been pointed out in Chapter I and 
elsewhere. 

None of the plans mentioned provide for a permanent 
and relialDle solution of this problem. What, then, can be 
done to meet this difficulty ? * The plan which seems most 
hopeful and which is gradually being adopted is the one 
which provides for a standardized description of all the 
jobs involved, based upon a thorough and practical 
analysis of all jobs by persons entirely familiar with 
them. % It can readily be seen that once such a set of job 
specifications has been drawn up, it will serve as a com- 
paratively permanent and reliable basis for reference in all 



JOB ANALYSIS 255 

the work of the employment office. Such an analysis will 
meet the very objections which have been raised to the 
alternative proposals in that it is economical, substitutes 
an authoritative analysis for a casual opinion, and^ cen- 
tralizes rather than decentralizes the employment func- 
tions. 

X There are several ways in which such an analysis and 
set of specifications can be made. One of these is to 
describe jobs in terms of the human qualities which are 
required in their performance.. This has been, until the 
present time, the most prevalent method. It does not 
describe the job itself but gives an outline of the per- 
sonal qualities which are considered necessary for that 
job. The job of a bookkeeper, for instance, is described 
as a job requiring accuracy, patience, application, neat- 
ness, a routine temperament, not much initiative or crea- 
tive ability, unwavering attention, and so forth. The 
job of tool maker is described as one requiring accuracy, 
patience, application, mechanical ability, not much 
initiative or creative ability (as the case may be), steadi- 
ness, and so forth. The work of an executive is described 
as requiring initiative, tact, energy, concentration, crea- 
tiveness, and so forth. In every case, the job is described 
in terms of this kind; that is, in terms of broad human 
qualities. A formidable array of qualities is available for 
such descriptions. In addition to those already mentioned, 
the following are typical of those met with: dynamic, 
static, large-dimension or small-dimension worker, in- 
dustrious, intellectual, volitional, manual, deliberate, im- 
pulsive, rapid or slow in mental coordination, adaptable, 
self-centered, roving, settled, loyal, sincere, directive, de- 
pendent, responsible, irresponsible, phlegmatic, live wire, 
slow but steady, nervously quick, and so on ad infinitum. 



256 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

There are several serious objections to this kind of job 
analysis. To begin with, it is not job analysis at all but a 
kind of thinly disseminated character analysis. Anybody 
can make a hasty tour of inspection, gather a superficial 
knowledge of a number of jobs, and then describe them in 
such comprehensive terms as those just enumerated. In 
the next place, these qualities are so general and vague 
that they mean very little when tied up with a particular 
job. Any number of jobs can be described equally well 
by such words and phrases as industry, patience, accu- 
racy, application, routine temperament, loyalty, static, 
and so on. But these words mean little or nothing at all as 
they stand. They are detached and theoretical. Pa- 
tience as such, for instance, is an abstract and meaningless 
quality. A man may be very patient in one way and very 
impatient in another. A tool maker may be patient in 
watching a slow and very important cut but very im- 
patient with his family or his foreman. Therefore, it is 
useless to call for a man of patience unless it is possible to 
distinguish between different kinds of patience and then 
specify which kind is desired. The same thing may be 
said of every one of these general qualities. A man may 
be very energetic or dynamic at one kind of work but very 
lazy or static at another kind. Suppose a man asks for 
employment in a position requiring marked initiative, 
energy, and executive ability. The person conducting 
the interview may decide that this applicant is possessed 
of these qualities, and consequently recommend that he be 
hired. The man is hired and set to work. After a few 
weeks he discovers that his work is not at all what he 
expected but is outside the scope of both his training 
and desires. Instead, therefore, of developing initiative, 
energy, and executive powers, he becomes plodding, 



JOB ANALYSIS 257 

dependent, and passive; in fact, anything but what he was 
expected to become. This common and well-recognized 
instance helps to illustrate what is meant by the statement 
that personal qualities such as have been enumerated 
here are abstract and can not be used in describing jobs. 
Different jobs have very specific and characteristic dif- 
ferences, and it is impossible to describe them except 
in terms of qualities that are equally specific and con- 
crete. It is quite apparent that the personal qualities of a 
worker also are not general and abstract, but are par- 
ticular and very closely tied up with the specific char- 
acteristics of a particular job. In the instance just de- 
scribed, the man did not manifest the expected qualities 
for the job at which he was placed, but it is quite likely 
that he would have manifested those qualities if he had 
been assigned to the particular kind of job for which his 
abilities fitted him. 

Another way of making clear the abstract and general 
nature of the personal qualities is to say that they can not 
be accurately gauged or measured except in terms of some 
concrete job activity. How is it possible to measure 
patience? or attention and application? or mental acuity? 
or industry? or loyalty? or initiative? or any one of the 
many qualities previously named ? As a matter of fact they 
can not be measured when stated abstractly. All that can 
be said is that an individual either has or does not have 
certain of these qualities. No fine distinctions are possible 
except, perhaps, the distinctions between good, bad, and 
indifferent. However, the day has gone by when it is 
possible to describe people or jobs in terms of "yes" or 
"no". Even if it were possible to say whether an appli- 
cant had or did not have certain qualities, such a decision 
would fall far short of the requirements of the present 



258 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

complex varieties of work. It is indispensable to separate 
applicants according to the degree of ability which they 
possess; for there is an infinite number of jobs requiring 
infinite kinds and degrees of ability. Therefore it is 
entirely inadequate to class people by their possession 
or lack of certain qualities. Unless some method of 
measurement can be applied to the qualities which are 
sought after, some reliable and standard gauge, then the 
detection of these qualities is of little value. They are too 
indefinite and too general to be of practical use. 

Another phase of the same tendency to describe jobs in 
terms of personal qualities is that represented by the so- 
called experts in character analysis. Aside from the ab- 
surdity of being able to make experts in this art through 
a correspondence course of a few months, are the diffi- 
culties which have been outlined. The character ex- 
perts describe jobs in terms of personal qualities, and 
the qualities they enumerate are much the same as those 
mentioned. They also include such points as the size : 
of the head, texture of the skin, such terms as mental, \ 
motive, and vital, and a variety of other equally general / 
and personal qualities. Even if the expert in character 
analysis could surely detect the qualities he deals in, he 
would still be far from being an expert in fitting men to 
jobs. For the qualities in which he deals are just as 
vague and far removed from the practical aspects of 
employment as those which have been named. They 
are abstract, general, and they can not be scientifically 
measured. Consequently they mean nothing when ap- 
♦ plied to the practical task of hiring specific men for jobs 
requiring specific abilities. 

In contrast with the method of analyzing and describing 
jobs in terms of personal qualities, is the psychological 



JOB ANALYSIS 259 

method. This method has already been described. To 
begin with, it makes a thoroughgoing analysis of one job 
and then, on the basis of this study, selects a set of tests 
which seem to involve the same ability as that required by 
the job. These tests are then tried out on a large number 
of workers whose ability is known in order to find those 
tests which do this to the highest degree. When tests 
which are sufficiently significant are found, the result is a 
standard and scientifically accurate measurement of 
those specific abilities which are required by that specific 
job. It is unnecessary to name these abilities even. The 
qualities required by a successful inspector, for instance, 
need not be called good visual discrimination, quick- 
reaction time, and steady attention. These names are 
also general and serve merely as a starting point. The 
requirements of this job may be stated simply as the 
ability to reach such and such a standard in tests number twoy 
six and eight. There is nothing vague, abstract, or general 
about an analysis of this kind, any more than there is 
about the chemical formula HnO^ or the formula in 

, • weight in lbs, 't^i • i i i 
physics, mass = — ^ Ihe job has been an- 

32,16 
alyzed in a scientific manner, in such a way that the 
abilities required by that job can be definitely and mathe- 
matically gauged. 

A job analysis of this kind is a long and careful proc- 
ess, and can be made only by persons equipped with 
the proper technique. In the meanwhile, a temporary 
job analysis must be made to meet the immediate needs 
of the employment office. In making such an analysis, 
the application of psychological principles will be of 
utmost value. 

Let us suppose that a representative manufacturing 



26o EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

organization desires to make an analysis of the various 
jobs and positions which it embraces. This analysis is to 
be made for the purpose of facilitating the work of the 
employment office in selecting the right man for the right 
place, and must therefore be an analysis of the most 
practical kind. What are the conditions which such an 
analysis must meet? In the first place, it must be com- 
prehensive; that is, it must include all the important 
factors which enter in to make each job what it is. Sec- 
ond, it must be brief; that is, it must give only the most 
necessary and fundamental facts concerning each job. 
Third, it must be made in standard terms; that is, in such 
a way that the various elements which the jobs have in 
common are stated in common terms and not in a different 
manner each time. Fourth, it must be concrete; that is, 
it must describe the job not in terms of general and 
abstract qualities, but in terms of measurable abilities, 
and in terms of facts that have a concrete and specific 
significance. 

These principles served as a guide in making an analysis 
which covered over eighteen thousand employees and 
over nine hundred varieties of work. In order to make 
this analysis generally applicable, it will be described in 
terms of these four principles. 

The first principle, that an analysis must be comprehen- 
sive, is self-evident. The question which it suggests is: 
What can be considered a comprehensive analysis of a 
job? The following outline upon which the analysis 
mentioned above was based is given as a tentative answer 
to this question: 



JOB ANALYSIS 261 

Name of job 

Physical characteristics of job: 

1. Machine Number of ■ 

2. Hand work 

3. Heavy light medium 

4. Lifting hauling climbing standing sitting 

walking 

5. Clean dirty hot cold 

6. Kind of eyesight required . 

Mental characteristics: 

I. Educational 



2. Prerequisite experience- 



3. Ability in English: Read ^write spell talk 

4. Ability in mathematics: Copy figures add subtract- 

multiply divide decimals . 

Miscellaneous: 

1. Earnings 

a. Day-work maximum minimum average — 

b. Piece-work maximum minimum average — 

2. Hours 



3. Possibilities of promotion 

4. Time required to break in new man 

5. A brief statement of any other essential features of the job- 



The above outline is a comprehensive plan to which the 
description of the large majority of factory jobs conform. 
To be sure, this outline does not contain many items which 
are important for certain kinds of work, especially the 
more highly skilled trades. These trades require in addi- 
tion a more detailed and technical analysis such as has 
been taken up in the foregoing chapters. It does, how- 
ever, embrace the most fundamental and important 
elements which characterize most factory jobs, and which 



262 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

are the foundations upon which any more thoroughgoing 
analysis must be built. Moreover, it includes certain 
other items which are not usually considered part of a 
job analysis but which are nevertheless genuine parts of a 
job and of the utmost importance. Notable among the 
latter is the item of earnings. Earnings are, from the 
applicant's point of view, the one most important feature 
of any job, and it is absolutely essential that the em- 
ployment office, in trying to fit certain applicants to 
certain jobs, be in a position to state exactly what the 
initial and possible earnings for each job are. Many an 
applicant has quit work at the end of the first week be- 
cause the employment office intimated that he would 
receive one rate and the job to which he was sent paid him 
another. 

The outline is divided into three general sections; 
(i) physical characteristics, (2) mental characteristics, and 
(3) miscellaneous characteristics. Under physical char- 
acteristics are included such items as those relating to 
heat, cleanliness, strenuousness, and other physical 
features, some of which may seem, at first glance, quite 
irrelevant to a job analysis. However, from a psycholog- 
ical point of view, from a medical point of view, and from a 
common sense and business point of view, these facts are 
essential phases of a job and are of the utmost importance. 
The importance of physical fitness has been increasingly 
realized during the past few years, as is well shown by the 
large and growing number of industries giving physical 
examinations. So far, however, physical examinations 
have been aimed more particularly at preventing those 
with serious defects or contagious diseases from getting 
into the shops. Not much attention has been paid to the 
kind of work to which those men who passed the physical 



JOB ANALYSIS 26^ 

examination were assigned. In this respect, a job analysis 
giving the physical characteristics of the work is very 
important because it will enable the employment service 
and medical service to cooperate more closely in assigning 
men to the work for which they are physically best 
adapted. It will prevent the choosing of men with a 
hernia for work requiring heavy lifting. It will reduce the 
chances for giving pedestrian work to men or women who 
have a tendency to fallen arches. It will prevent a large 
number of accidents, and will greatly lessen one of the 
most important causes of labor turnover. 

From the psychological point of view, nothing does 
more to upset a worker's state of mind and make him 
discontented with his job than physical incompatibility. 
However, unless the employment interviewer has a clear 
and definite knowledge of the physical aspects of jobs, he 
can not avoid producing misfits. Moreover, unless there 
is a thorough understanding between the interviewer and 
the applicant about the nature of the job, trouble is sure 
to follow. It may seem foolish to tell an applicant that a 
job is hot or dirty; but here honesty is the best policy. 
If an applicant is hired for a dirty job without having 
been acquainted with that fact beforehand, he may start 
work but quit after a few days or a few weeks, and thereby 
cause the loss of a considerable amount of time and effort, 
as well as make it necessary to go through the whole 
process of hiring once more. If an applicant is told 
that a job is dirty, he may accept it nevertheless and not 
mind it; while, if he refuse the job, not much has been 
lost. Naturally, some discretion must be used in this 
matter. A job which would be considered dirty by one 
man would not necessarily be considered so by another 
man. The relativity of sensations and feelings is one of 



264 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

the most important and practical principles which psy- 
chology has to teach. 

Under the head of mental characteristics, the most 
important items are education, prerequisite experience, 
and ability in mathematics and English. Many jobs of 
the laboring kind can be done by workers without any 
education whatsoever. Others require a minimum of 
education in certain lines. For instance, an expert tool 
maker must be able to use arithmetic to a considerable 
extent, and a correspondence clerk must have a certain 
mastery of the English language. In addition to the 
general ability and level of knowledge implied by certain 
kinds and degrees of school education is the matter of 
preliminary experience. For certain types of work such 
as that of plumber, electrician, accountant, such expe- 
rience is an essential, and the determination of this expe- 
rience forms a very important item in choosing the right 
applicant for the right position. 

The division headed "Miscellaneous" embraces several 
very important and often neglected items. One of these 
is "Possibilities of Promotion". The future to which a 
job leads is one of the most important and concrete ele- 
ments about that job. Some jobs lead logically to other 
and better ones, so that the worker knows that, if his work 
is satisfactory, he is sure, within a reasonable time, of 
being promoted. Other jobs are only blind alleys into 
which the unwary applicant is Hkely to stumble and from 
which there is no escape except by an unwelcome tour de 
force^ usually the man's giving up in disgust and going 
elsewhere. This item, therefore, not only makes it possi- 
ble for the employment interviewer -to tell an applicant 
definitely what the possibilities of promotion are; it also 
serves as a reminder to the shop foreman that it is his duty 



JOB ANALYSIS 265 

to see to it that the jobs under him are arranged in such a 
way as to make promotions the logical thing. It is some- 
times asserted that frequent promotions, such as are made 
possible by the rapid labor turnover, tend to lessen pro- 
duction. Those who believe this do so on the assumption 
that it is wiser to break in one new man for one job that 
becomes vacant than to break in two or more old men on 
new jobs, as would be the case if promotions were made. 
However, the fallacy of this argument is only too patent. 
To begin with, if men were logically promoted, the turn- 
over would not be so high. And it is safe to say that 
production at present is obstructed much more by a rapid 
labor turnover than by an undue number of promotions. 
It is also said that it is almost impossible to arrange all 
jobs in a logical or chronological order. This is un- 
doubtedly true. However, it is probably still truer that 
the necessary attention and effort to accomplish this have 
not yet been devoted to the task, and that much more 
can be done than has been done hitherto. 

The time required to break a new man in is one of the 
most important of all items. As work is divided under 
the present manufacturing methods, a large number of 
jobs are such that they can be learned in a very short 
period of time, varying from a few days to a few weeks. 
Moreover, industries are undertaking to train in their 
own schools those who are needed for their work. In such 
cases, the employment office must show particular care to 
choose those who have the necessary fundamental ability 
to receive the training which it is intended to give them. 

If, in addition to the items named under the cap- 
tions of Physical Characteristics, Mental Characteris- 
tics, and Miscellaneous Characteristics, it is necessary to 
add any further facts, this can be done under the last 



iGG 



EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 



item which provides for just such a contingency. There 
are, to be sure, many jobs which require abihty of a very 
high degree, and in order to get any comprehensive idea 
of this ability, it is necessary to go into much greater detail 
concerning the work than has been done in the foregoing 
analysis. However, the discussion of job analysis has 
been here confined to the more fundamental and common 
elements and the more advanced kinds of trades are dis- 
cussed in other chapters. 

Now that it has been made clear what is implied by a 
comprehensive job analysis, the three remaining condi- 
tions can be taken up in comparatively brief form. The 
second condition named is that such an analysis must be 
brief. Brevity is always a self-evident virtue. But as 
applied to the work of interviewing and choosing appli- 
cants, the importance of brevity becomes even more 
obvious. When an interviewer needs to look up the 
characteristics of a job, he must be able to find them in the 
shortest possible time and with the least possible trouble. 
All the items contained in the outline given can be put on 
a single card four inches by six inches in size. Conformity 
to a standard, the third condition named, contributes to 
brevity although this is not its only merit. The impor- 
tance of having jobs described in standard terms is almost 
the same as having people make out application blanks 
which are standard. It promotes simplicity and definite- 
ness, makes sure of the essential features and excludes the 
non-essential, and in fact fulfills a large number of re- 
quirements. Unless the description of jobs is made to 
conform to some such standard, the results will be a 
heterogeneous mass^of facts and figures which can be used 
only with the utmost inconvenience. 

The fourth condition calls for a description of the job 



JOB ANALYSIS 267 

In terms of the concrete and measurable facts which 
characterize it, and in terms of specific ability rather than 
in terms of vaguely defined and unmeasurable personal 
quahties. That this has been done needs little further 
demonstration. The items contained in the outline are 
concrete and measurable, and concern the job which is 
relatively fixed rather than the individual applicants 
' whose number and variety are legion. It may be in- 
sisted that education and experience are strictly per- 
sonal and general characteristics. Not in the sense in 
which they are used here. It is the job which requires a 
minimum of ability such as is supposed to be concomitant 
with a certain education and experience; and when this, 
minimum has been determined, it is possible to measure, 
either by tests or by a well-prepared set of questions, 
approximately how far these minimum essentials are 
present in a given applicant. In some cases, a diploma 
or an apprenticeship certificate are sufficient guarantee 
that the applicant has the education required by a given 
job. Where a job requires specific ability in the various 
branches of English, mathematics, and other subjects 
which are acquired more or less thoroughly in school, 
tests given under psychological conditions can definitely 
determine to what extent the applicant possesses the 
necessary abilities. 

The question which still remains to be answered in the 
practical carrying out of this work is: Who shall make this 
analysis? It stands to reason that this should be done by 
those who are most familiar with the jobs, and that is the 
various foremen or overseers. In this way, that knowl- 
edge which has been lost to the employment office through 
centralization will be to some extent regained. It is 
claimed, and with evident justice, that the foreman is 



l6S EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

frequently the last man who can analyze his jobs ade- 
quately. The fact that he knows them so well prevents 
him from describing them in any but technical and collo- 
quial words. However, this danger will be largely avoided 
if every analysis is made according to the outline of 
specifications furnished. This outline serves to confine 
the analysis to certain channels and predetermined es- 
sentials. Moreover, the entire process should be under 
the supervision of a group consisting of the employment 
manager, the medical examiner, and the psychological 
examiner; for the very purpose of the analysis is to pro- 
vide a guide by which these different agencies will func- 
tion together in choosing the right applicants for the right 
place. 

After such an analysis has been made, how is it to be 
used? At the present time, whenever a shop needs men 
it is customary to send to the employment office a requisi- 
tion calling for six men, or three m.achinists, or ^ve millers, 
or seven edgers, as the case may be. This manner of call- 
ing for men by such general names and in such a wholesale 
fashion suggests the very evils which have just been dis- 
cussed, namely; a very loose connection between shops 
and employment office. After the specifications for the 
various kinds of work have been made out, they can be 
arranged and indexed for convenient reference in the em- 
ployment office. At the same time, the different shops 
will retain possession of the specifications which affect 
them in particular. Whenever, now, it becomes necessary 
for a shop to make a requisition for men it can do so in 
terms of these specifications. In order to simplify matters 
still further, the various kinds of work which are only 
superficially different can be summarized under a common 
head, and a system of symbols can be employed to expedite 



JOB ANALYSIS 269 

the making of requisitions. The employment office re- 
ceiving a requisition can find in its own records what the 
proper specifications are and select its men accordingly. 
To be sure, it will not always be necessary for the em- 
ployment interviewer to refer to these specifications. One 
of the virtues of such a standard practice is that it facil- 
itates routine and soon becomes unobtrusive. However, 
it will remain a source of information which can be 
referred to whenever the need arises, or whenever a new 
interviewer is being initiated into the work. 

This chapter began with the statement that job analysis 
is as important as character analysis. Now that this 
statement has been amplified and a practical outline of 
such an analysis been given, we may point out one of the 
queer anomalies of employment work. Whenever an 
applicant applies for a job he is requested to fill out an 
application blank. This has been the custom for many 
years, and serves as the basis, to a greater or lesser extent, 
upon which the applicant is hired. Now, if it is necessary 
for the applicant to give his own specifications, why should 
it not be necessary for the job to give its specifications? 
In order to bring together the right worker and the right 
job, it is just as necessary to have an application or set of 
specifications concerning the job as it is concerning the 
worker. One is of little value without the other. If the 
analysis is conducted as outlined, the employment of- 
fice will be provided with a set of standard job specifica- 
tions to which requisitions from the shops can refer. The 
application of the worker and the job application can then 
be fitted together in such a way as to produce the best re- 
sults. Only when the man applies for the job and the 
job for the man, will there result the best union between 
them. 



XXI 

THE VESTIBULE SCHOOL 

Mental and physical tests make it possible to detect in 
individuals those qualities which are essential for certain 
kinds of work. Observation and questions help to deter- 
mine the possession or lack of certain other important 
traits. However, none of these processes makes it possible 
to discover completely and conclusively all that it is 
desirable to know about an applicant. The shortcoming 
of them all is their necessary brevity. For example, an 
examination by the methods outlined may show that a man 
possesses the abilities of a first-rate operator. Neverthe- 
less, this man, despite his ability, may turn out to be a 
very poor operator. His failure may be due to such rea- 
sons as dislike for the work, dissatisfaction with the pay, 
lack of ambition, etc. These qualities may be called moral 
qualities, or quahties of character, and they must be dis- 
tinguished from the qualities of technique or ability 
manifested by the employee in the tests. 

At the present time, very little is known or understood 
about the origin and operation of the moral traits. 
Enthusiasm, determination, cheerfulness, reliability, and 
their opposites are moral qualities which, at the present 
stage of science, can neither be definitely located nor 
accurately gauged. A casual observation of an individual 
may give some hint as to their presence or absence. Tests 
will give a much better indication because tests require 
work and in work moral qualities are more noticeably 

270 



THE VESTIBULE SCHOOL Tjl 

manifested than at rest. But neither a momentary 
observation nor a brief psychological examination can 
actually determine which qualities the individual possesses 
or to what extent. 

Although brief tests give no certain indication as to the 
nature of the applicant's character, it may be said with 
certainty that whatever valuable moral qualities an 
applicant possesses will be most likely to develop if the 
applicant is assigned to the work for which he is best 
qualified. Again and again it has been demonstrated, in 
the course of these experiments, that the qualities of 
laziness and discontent shown by a worker were not 
inherent qualities, but were due to the fact that the worker 
was not fitted for his particular task. When transferred 
to another kind of work which, as indicated by a psy- 
chological examination, was more suitable, it also appeared 
time and again that the same employee would become a 
satisfied and consistent worker. On the other hand, there 
have been many workers, according to their performance 
in the tests well fitted for their work, who still were dis- 
gruntled and lazy. How can we account for the moral 
traits which these workers manifested? Here, again, the 
root of the trouble may be mal-adaptation. A further ex- 
amination, either by tests or by an inquiry into a worker's 
antecedents and ambitions, may show that he is better 
qualified for some other type of work as well. His present 
failure may be due not to inherent laziness but to an 
ambition to do something else. If this worker is given 
the kind of work which he prefers and is just as able 
to do, he may manifest an entirely different set of moral 
qualities. 

To be sure there are cases where laziness, unsteadiness, 
dishonesty, etc., are inherent and manifest themselves 



T]1 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

regardless of the work which the individual is doing. On 
the whole, however, it is not safe to regard the moral 
qualities as blanket qualities which every individual either 
has or has not. It is much nearer the truth to regard them 
as variable quantitieSy largely contingent upon the en- 
vironment in which the individual is placed. The purpose 
of the employment manager is to place applicants so far 
as possible in the most favorable environment. 

In order to consider this problem more in detail, we may 
arbitrarily divide all workers into two broad classes, the 
skilled and the unskilled. The skilled workers have at- 
tained their skill through a long process of education and 
experience. The very fact that they are skilled compels 
us to assume that they have determination, ambition, 
and other desirable moral traits. Moreover, the expert 
workman is usually interested in his work for its own 
sake, and, although he, too, is influenced by the size of his 
wages, the character of his work is an important factor in 
eliciting his best qualities. The problem here obviously 
consists of placing the skilled workman at the work for 
which he has been trained and at which, therefore, he is 
most likely to manifest his best traits. 

In the case of the unskilled workman — and by far the 
larger class is comparatively unskilled — the love of work 
plays a very small part. In fact, the work is often re- 
garded as monotonous and unpleasant, and is tolerated 
only because of necessity or as a means to some more 
pleasant end. The end which the work is made to serve 
may be family comforts, or pleasure in any one of its 
various forms. As long as the work of the day brings these 
outside interests within reach it is tolerated. If it cur- 
tails them, it is likely to elicit the negative moral qualities 
such as distaste and listlessness. It is a well-known fact 



II 



THE VESTIBULE SCHOOL 273 

that a large part of the labor turnover consists of those 
who, after being hired, come for a day or a week, and then, 
because they are disgusted or discouraged with their 
progress, never appear again. Therefore, it is most de- 
sirable to assign unskilled workers to the work at which 
their natural abilities will enable them to succeed most 
quickly and where they can, in the shortest possible time, 
earn a satisfactory week*s pay. To do this it is necessary, 
in the first place, to test applicants with great care in 
order that the natural abilities which they possess 
may be immediately applied where they will most 
quickly bring success. And in the second place, it is 
desirable to supplement this preliminary examination 
by means of the more prolonged observation which is 
made possible by a period of training in the so-called 
vestibule school. 

The vestibule school is what its name implies — a pre- 
liminary training school in which to observe and coach 
new employees. The vestibule school is to the industrial 
organization what the vestibule is to the home. In the 
home it is a place where the entrant stops, wipes his shoes 
on the mat, adjusts his garments, and performs those 
duties which prepare him to enter the house proper. In 
the factory or office it is a place which detains the incoming 
employee until he has become adjusted to a new environ- 
ment and has been prepared to handle the essential ele- 
ments of his prospective work. Having passed through 
this preliminary stage, he is the more ready to enter upon 
the work of the main shop or office. The vestibule school, 
therefore, answers two main purposes. First, it provides a 
means for bringing an unskilled, employee most rapidly 
to the stage in which he can earn a desirable week's pay. 



274 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

Second, it provides an opportunity to observe the moral 
qualities which the individual develops in the course of 
his work. 

A third and extremely important function which the 
vestibule school serves is to give applicants a certain 
amount of choice in their work. As has been already in- 
dicated, one of the most fruitful sources of trouble in the 
selection of workers is the fact that they do not like the 
work for which they are chosen. If an applicant develops 
an emotional aversion for a certain shop or job, it is almost 
certain to result in the loss of that worker. No matter how 
well qualified the applicant may be so far as ability is con- 
cerned, he is likely to leave at the first opportunity. 
This is a factor which employers have not taken suffi- 
ciently into account. Too often the attitude has been: 
"Here is a job, take it or leave it. Next!'* and the result 
of hiring applicants in this arbitrary fashion has been to 
add measurably to the immense labor turnover which 
has characterized industry in general. 

The vestibule school offers a means by which this 
difficulty can be in part overcome. The applicant will be 
hired, to begin with, according to the best judgment which 
the employment manager can bring to bear. He will be 
given the benefit of a physical and psychological examina- 
tion, and of a sympathetic interview. After the employ- 
ment office has selected an applicant for a particular posi- 
tion, he will be sent into the vestibule school to be trained 
for the work of that position. During this period it will 
become possible to determine whether or not the worker 
shows the necessary degree of interest and liking for the 
task. 

In short, the vestibule school is a sort of laboratory in 
which the employee may be handled and observed under 



THE VESTIBULE SCHOOL 275 

controlled conditions for a comparatively extensive period 
of time. 

Vestibule schools may be divided into two general kinds, 
the office vestibule and the factory vestibule. Both 
schools have the same purpose. However, there are likely 
to be considerable differences between them in equipment 
and size, and consequently in method. Each of these 
types of vestibule schools will therefore be considered 
separately. 

THE OFFICE VESTIBULE SCHOOL 

In describing the office vestibule school, it is unneces- 
sary to launch out into theory. One need only point to 
the office training school of the Larkin Company of 
Buffalo, one of the first and most successful schools of 
the kind in the country, to see a complete example of the 
methods and results of such a school. (See report of the 
Committee on Office Training Schools, J. H. Puffer, 
chairman, in the fourth and fifth annual Bulletins of the 
National Association of Corporation Schools.) 

In general, the vestibule school is built around those 
classes of work which are most characteristic of the par- 
ticular office which the school is intended to serve. The 
following classes of work are typical of almost all large 
offices: 

Typing 

Correspondence 

Counting-machine operating 

Filing 

Bookkeeping 

Messenger service. 

Each class of work is taken up separately by a group of 
new workers. Let us suppose, now, that a female appli- 



276 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

cant without any special training applies for some in- 
definite kind of office work. The first step is to give her 
some general clerical tests, then some more specific tests 
such as the filing tests and arithmetical tests. On the 
basis of these tests it is possible to assign her at once to the 
work for which she seems best fitted, and also to establish 
a tentative rate of compensation. Once assigned to a 
certain kind of work in the vestibule school, the new em- 
ployee is instructed in this work with the view of preparing 
her to assume that work as soon as possible in the main 
office. So far as practicable, the work of the vestibule 
school should consist of actual routine work taken from the 
main office, in order that all practice and instructions may 
have an immediate practical bearing upon the future work 
of the pupil. 

The same general procedure applies to a new employee 
who claims previous education and training. Take, for 
example, a stenographer who claims to be a graduate of 
some business school and to have a considerable amount 
of experience. Such an applicant is tested, first of all, for 
her ability to take dictation and transcribe, in order to 
discover the degree of proficiency which her training and 
experience have enabled her to acquire in these essentials. 
Besides this, she is given certain clerical and special in- 
telligence tests, in order to determine what her natural 
capabilities are. On the basis of her performance in these 
tests, she is assigned to a certain type of work and given a 
tentative rating, after which she is given instructions in 
the work for which she seems best fitted. In all cases, 
the duration of the period of training depends entirely 
upon the initial ability of the pupil and the rapidity with 
which the pupil learns the work assigned. 

During this period each pupil is under continual ob- 



1 



THE VESTIBULE SCHOOL 277 

servation, and certain very significant moral qualities 
can be detected. For example, the instructor may find 
that a pupil is very impatient under instruction, a quality 
which augurs badly for future usefulness. Or a pupil may 
betray signs of impatience with her work, such as tearing 
up sheets upon which she had made a mistake, banging at 
her typewriter, answering sharply, etc. She may show 
signs of inattention and constantly repeat mistakes which 
have been pointed out to her. It may be discovered that a 
pupil has certain objectionable habits which, if not elim- 
inated, will create havoc among the girls or men in the 
main ofEce. She may frequently be late in arriving, or 
consume too much time in personal attentions. These 
and a hundred other negative qualities may appear during 
this period, and every one of them is a source of labor 
turnover. However, under the special conditions of the 
vestibule school, these traits may be discovered in time, 
and at the hands of competent instructors many correc- 
tions can be made. 

If an individual is incorrigible, that fact can be ascer- 
tained and the pupil dropped. One of the great sources of 
difficulty in the present day large organization is the 
presence of driftwood; that is, incapable employees who 
have slipped past the employment manager and obtained 
positions, and whom the office heads have not the heart 
to discharge. The writer has seen numerous instances of 
this kind. Such employees are often sent from post to 
post in the organization, a constant source of trouble not 
only to their superiors but to themselves. Finally, some 
merciful chance does for the organization what should 
have been done at the outset. The employee either 
happens to light on some congenial work or gives up in 
despair. Even if the tests fail, the vestibule school is 



278 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

almost certain to prevent an individual of this kind from 
getting into the wheels of the organization. And if there 
is any possible way in which to make use of a chronic 
misfit, the systematic methods of the vestibule school 
would be much more likely to find it than the haphazard 
stabs of the main office. 

We have discussed the detection and correction of 
negative qualities. As has been pointed out, the negative 
qualities are very often merely the reverse side of latent 
positive qualities. They may be due to the fact that the 
worker is assigned to work which is not really suitable. 
The vestibule school oflFers a splendid opportunity for 
discovering such misfits and for adjusting them properly. 
For example, if a pupil is assigned to the work of indexing 
and card filing, she may show inattention, dullness, and 
general dissatisfaction. If she is transferred to the work of 
correspondence filing, these negative qualities may en- 
tirely disappear and the pupil become enthusiastic, deft, 
and cheerful. The vestibule school, therefore, provides an 
opportunity for discovering and eliciting the positive moral 
qualities. Initiative, determination, patience, tact, amia- 
bility, and many other desirable moral traits reveal 
themselves during this period and immensely facilitate the 
process of assigning new employees to permanent posi- 
tions. 

The prolonged and careful observation made possible 
by the vestibule school also makes it easier to discover 
those finer differences between personalities which play so 
large a part in the selection and retention of employees. 
A great number of workers is required for routine work, 
work which requires speed, accuracy, and many other 
good qualities. However, the employment manager and 
the various department heads are continually on the 



II 



THE VESTIBULE SCHOOL 279 

lookout for individuals with that "little more", that 
extra faculty of being able to assume responsibility and 
handle problems which have not been explained to them 
from A to Z beforehand. In other words, they are looking 
for assistants who can think for themselves. This quality 
is none too common. Mental tests can usually give indi- 
cations of its presence, but the vestibule school can follow 
up these indications and determine to just what extent 
the desired ability exists. 

The vestibule school may therefore be truly regarded as 
a laboratory in which employees are tested and trained 
under controlled conditions. All work should be done as 
nearly as possible in quantities that can be measured and 
by methods that have been standardized. Where the 
nature of the work makes this impracticable, actual tests 
from time to time may be used as standards. For exam- 
ple, ^vc or ten clerks may be doing various kinds of count- 
ing-machine work. On the basis of their performance in 
their work, therefore, they can not be compared. How- 
ever, if they are using the same type of machine, a periodic 
test can be given to the entire group to determine what 
progress its members are making in speed and accuracy. 
Periodic tests of this kind can be given to typists, filing 
clerks, ledger clerks, and other groups. By means of such 
tests a very complete control can be exercised, a control 
which will make it possible not only to watch the progress 
of individuals with reference to themselves but also the 
progress of individuals with reference to the progress of 
others in the same group. Such a control also makes it 
possible to promote students on the basis of merit rather 
than on the basis of seniority. Certain standards can be 
set in various kinds of work, and the student who first 
attains those standards will be eligible for the first position 



28o EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

operij regardless of the fact that other students may have 
entered the school at an earlier time. 

This method also provides an element of competition 
which is a very healthy asset to the work of novices. It is a 
well-known psychological fact that a few minutes of 
actual competition daily will do more to increase a per- 
son's ability than hours of steady and uninspired rou- 
tine practice. Competition, therefore, contributes toward 
making the new employee competent with the least possi- 
ble delay, and serves to bring out all the more quickly 
whatever latent moral qualities the pupil may have in 
reserve. 

The work of the vestibule school should be so far as 
possible work that is actually taken over from the main 
office. For instance, girls who are being trained in typing 
or in filing should be trained largely upon the work of 
typing or filing as it is actually being done in the larger 
office for which they are being prepared. In this way, not 
only will the preparation of the individuals be most 
closely tied up with their prospective duties, but at the 
same time a considerable saving in the cost of conducting 
the school will be effected. 

In order to attain the maximum effectiveness, the in- 
structors of the vestibule school should be clerks of a high 
grade who have not only had actual experience in the 
routine which they are to teach but who also possess the 
ability to impart their knowledge to their pupils. An in- 
structor in every distinct type of work ought to be pro- 
vided. The manager of such a school must be a man or 
woman of exceptional character, ability, and experience. 
He should be, first of all, a good employment manager with 
the necessary ability to examine and select applicants. 
Even if this selection is controlled by means of a specialist 



THE VESTIBULE SCHOOL 28 1 

in psychological examination he must still be able to deal 
with his pupils in a sympathetic and understanding fash- 
ion. In order to conduct the various courses of study 
contained within the school curriculum, he must have a 
knowledge of the principles and methods of education. 
Added to this, he must be experienced in the methods 
of office work in order that he may continually adapt 
the work of the school to the changing needs of the 
office. 

Besides fulfilling the three principal purposes outlined, 
the vestibule school contributes toward the solution of 
employment difficulties in several other ways. In the 
first place, such a school can serve as a center to which 
clerks already employed can be sent to brush up on some 
particular operation. Frequently, an employee becomes 
discouraged with his work, or his supervisor becomes dis- 
satisfied with him, and it appears that the employee is to 
be lost to the company. If such an employee is sent into 
the training school, a little supplementary coaching, or a 
trial at a different kind of work, may result in a renewed 
and valuable worker, good for another period of contented 
usefulness. In the Larkin Company, the manager of the 
school alone is authorized to discharge an office employee. 
If the services of an employee are unsatisfactory, the 
school first of all tries to bolster up that employee or fit 
her for some other kind of work. In this way, a great 
conservation in human material is effected and the labor 
turnover is materially reduced. 

Such a school can further act as a safety valve or a 
shock absorber for the office as a whole. Frequently there 
is a surplus of help in one part of the office and a scarcity 
in another part. The office vestibule school can equili^ 
brate this condition by serving as a center from which 



282 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

trained help can be drawn and into which surplus material 
can be withdrawn. 

Third, such a school can serve as a center in which the 
various forms and practices obtaining in different depart- 
ments and offices will rub elbows and tend, in consequence, 
to become more uniform and consistent. Very frequently 
it is found that different parts of an organization have 
quite different methods of handling the same kinds of 
work. Manifestly, not each of them is correct; neither 
is it possible to send out pupils trained in all of the idio- 
syncrasies of the various departments. The work of the 
school therefore may be a constant source of standard- 
ization and improvement in methods. 



THE FACTORY VESTIBULE SCHOOL 

In general, the same principles which apply to the office 
vestibule school apply to the factory or shop vestibule 
school. The purpose of each is, first, to discover so far 
as possible those moral qualities and those special abilities 
which can not be fully determined by the initial tests; 
second, to train new employees under controlled condi- 
tions in order to enable them to succeed most quickly at 
a given task; third, to discover the work which is best 
fitted to their particular abilities and dispositions. How- 
ever, the shop vestibule school may be conducted in two 
ways. First, it may be conducted as a centralized school; 
that is, a school which is equipped with typical machines 
and in which typical operations are taught in a central 
place. Second, it may be conducted as a decentralized 
school. Instead of having representative machines and 
operations grouped in one place, a certain part of the phys- 
ical equipment of each individual shop can be set apart 



THE VESTIBULE SCHOOL 283 

in the shop itself and given over exclusively to the task of 
training incoming employees. Each of these methods has 
certain advantages and disadvantages. 

The first method has all the advantages consequent 
upon physical concentration. The centralized school 
makes it possible for one expert personnel worker to su- 
pervise the training of all novices, and thereby removes 
the diversities and inconsistencies which are sure to arise 
under a decentralized scheme. Second, it facilitates the 
process of trying novices out on different types of work in 
the event of their initial failure. Third, it serves as a kind 
of reservoir or safety valve by which to regulate the excess 
of workers in some shops and the shortage in other shops. 
Fourth, it acts as a reclaiming station to which old em- 
ployees who have failed or outgrown their work can be 
sent for new instructions and encouragement. 

This method has its disadvantages as well. They 
appear in an analysis of the advantages of the decentral- 
ized school. Under the latter scheme, the applicant, after 
having been tested and selected for a certain type of work, 
is at once sent to the shop in which this work is being 
carried on. There, at machines or benches reserved for 
that particular purpose, the applicant is immediately 
instructed in the exact work for which he is intended. 
The advantages of this method are as follows: First, the 
proximity of the pupil to the actual work of the shop en- 
ables him to see at once what his environment and work 
are to be. If this environment and work are unsatisfac- 
tory, the pupil will know it quickly, whereas if he is 
coached in a central school, at some distance from the 
shop and under slightly or considerably different condi- 
tions, and then dislikes the shop to which he is sent, all 
the time spent on preliminary training becomes lost effort. 



284 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

One of the large causes of labor turnover in factories is 
the dislike for particular kinds of work, and consequently, 
every effort should be made to acquaint the applicant 
with the intended work before he is actually hired to do it. 
It may be said that the centralized training school will pre- 
pare the new worker for these very conditions. But the 
actual shop conditions are hardly ever as ideal as the con- 
ditions of a centralized training school are likely to be; con- 
sequently the change from the centralized training school 
into the shop itself may bring with it a certain degree of dis- 
illusionment and consequent dissatisfaction. This contin- 
gency can not arise if the new employee is sent immediately 
to the shop in which he is expected to remain. Second, the 
fact that an applicant is chosen for a certain type of work 
and sent at once to the shop in which he is expected to suc- 
ceed, places a moral obligation upon the new employee 
which no other method can produce. It puts it up to him 
to succeed or fail at that particular job. If, on the other 
hand, the employee is sent to a central school where all 
kinds of operations are being taught to a considerable 
number of applicants, the moral obligation no longer rests 
with the employee but with the school and its instructors. 
It now becomes the duty of the instructors to try the 
novice out on various types of machines and work until 
he is suited. This process manifestly involves the utmost 
degree of effort and attention. The difficulty may be 
stated in still another way. Many applicants do not know 
specifically what kind of work they wish to do. However, 
when an applicant chooses to go to a specific shop and a 
specific job, his mind is made up and his doubts are to a 
large extent settled. This state of mind is conducive to 
his success at that job. But if the individual is placed in 
a school the whole attitude of which is experimental, his 



THE VESTIBULE SCHOOL 285 

original uncertainty and indecision will be increased 
rather than cured, and he will therefore be deprived of 
one of the most powerful factors in his success. In the 
third place, when a new employee is sent to a shop, the 
sole duty of the instructor in the shop is to help that em- 
ployee to succeed in a particular line of work. In the 
centralized training school, however, the general attitude 
of the instructor will inevitably be experimental and he 
will be obliged to train his pupils by the "trial and error*' 
method. In this way a great deal of time may be lost in 
the process of "trying out" pupils on various types of 
work before the right kind of work is finally hit upon. 
This will defeat the very purpose for which the school is 
established; namely, the making of successful operators 
in the shortest possible time. Fourth, the decentralized 
school is less likely to raise unfavorable contrasts between 
the various classes of work. If a variety of operations 
and machines are collected in a central school, there will 
be a very strong gravitation on the part of all employees 
toward the cleaner and more desirable kinds of work. 
This difficulty can be largely avoided if the novice is not 
placed in an environment which encourages him to draw 
such disturbing contrasts. 

The suggested objections to the centralized training 
school may evoke the warm protest that this is the only 
method which is democratic and fair to new employees, 
since it is the only method which allows the employee to 
make an intelligent study and selection of the various kinds 
of work being done. It may be said that the other plan is 
too paternalistic, too coercive, and that it is morally un- 
sound in so far as it fails to give every individual complete 
freedom of action in the choosing of an occupation. While 
admitting the partial truth of this contention, the practical 



286 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

issue must not be lost sight of. From the viewpoint of 
the factory, there are certain kinds of work for which 
workers must be supplied. Some types of work are less 
desirable than others. A certain and usually limited num- 
ber of applicants is available. With these, all the posi- 
tions must be filled, the poorer as well as the better. The 
object of the training school is to fill them as expeditiously 
as possible. Therefore, the qualifications and preferences 
of every applicant will be consulted so far as possible. 
This is a problem which can not be formulated or solved 
abstractly. Indeed, it is too broad a problem for any 
particular factory to handle. It must be attacked by 
the state or by the community, because it is fundamen- 
tally a problem of vocational training. In the meanwhile 
the practical needs of the particular industry, in conjunc- 
tion with the natures of particular individuals, must deter- 
mine the degree to which the selection of jobs is left to 
the worker himself. 

In answer to the objections that the centralized school 
will encourage too critical a comparison between the more 
and the less desirable kinds of work it may be contended 
that this inequality can be overcome by means of paying 
higher rates for less desirable types of work. This is 
usually done, at least in intent. Still, a certain degree 
of inequality will always remain, and the centralized 
training school will encourage and facilitate the detection 
of these inequalities by incoming employees. This, how- 
ever, may well be considered as an advantage rather 
than as a disadvantage. 

The method adopted will depend largely upon the 
character of the problem to be met in different organiza- 
tions. Whatever method is chosen will have to take into 
consideration certain fundamental factors which enter 



THE VESTIBULE SCHOOL 287 

into the selection and retention of an employee. One of 
these is the effect of novelty. A new employee who is 
plunged suddenly into a totally new environment is very 
likely to lose his confidence and to become discouraged 
to the point of giving up his work. This tendency is more 
marked in women and girls than in men. The training 
school should be conducted in such a way that the new 
employee is placed, from the outset, under the encourag- 
ing care of a sympathetic instructor. The presence or 
absence of a sympathetic instructor in an enormous num- 
ber of cases is the difference between success or failure on 
the part of the new employee. Again, a new employee 
plunged into the midst of the work which he is intended 
to do is likely to become discouraged when he sees the 
great difference between his own clumsy efforts and the 
highly skilled actions of the experienced workmen who 
surround him. A training school shields a new employee 
against such a damaging contrast until his own skill more 
nearly approaches the skill of those with whom he is 
destined to work. Again, a preliminary period of training 
makes it possible to instruct the new employee in the cus- 
toms and practices of shop work in general. For example, 
he can be taught the meaning and use of the lot system, 
how to make out a time ticket, how to make a claim for 
short pay, how to arrange for absences, and numerous 
other details which play so important a part in making 
the employee feel at home in a shop. 

Finally, the presence of a vestibule school removes the 
necessity of hiring applicants for the immediate needs of 
the moment, and thereby makes possible a much wiser and 
more farsighted selection. Under the present system, it 
usually happens that some office or shop suddenly needs a 
stenographer or a group of operators, and needs them at 



288 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

once. Consequently, the employment office must choose 
from among the first applicants who present themselves, 
even if these are not quite as good as they should be. 
Moreover, instead of being able to select applicants for 
the work which fits them best, it becomes necessary to 
say, in effect: "Here is a job. It is the only thing we have 
at the moment. Take it or leave it." This is not con- 
ducive to successful hiring. Moreover, there are fre- 
quently highly desirable applicants when no jobs are 
available. It is a pity to have to turn them away, because 
quite likely they will have found work elsewhere before 
new jobs become available. 

The function of the vestibule school in overcoming this 
opportunistic and hand-to-mouth method is obvious. The 
vestibule school can hire applicants with an eye to the 
future. If exceptionally desirable applicants present 
themselves while there is no urgent demand for their 
services, it can hire them nevertheless, and begin training 
them for the future. It can also keep enough pupils in 
training to make it unnecessary to hire applicants for 
jobs which they are not fitted to do and which they take 
only as a jumping-off place to something else. In fact, 
the vestibule school provides that favorable balance of 
supplies which is necessary for the proper management of 
any establishment, whether it be a household or a large 
industrial organization. It is strange how principles which 
are so obvious in the management of the small affairs of 
life are so often neglected in large establishments where 
management has acquired the dignity of a profession. 

We may now briefly enumerate the services which the 
systematic training of a vestibule- school renders the 
process of employment. 

I. Makes it possible to discover more fully than was 



THE VESTIBULE SCHOOL 289 

indicated by the psychological tests the ability of new- 
employees. 

2. Provides an opportunity to observe the moral 
qualities of new workers. 

3. Provides the mechanism for bringing unskilled or 
untrained workers to the desired point of efficiency with 
the least possible delay. 

4. Makes it possible to assign people more carefully to 
the work for which they are best fitted. 

5. Permits the new employee to exercise a certain 
amount of choice in his work. 

6. Makes it possible to break in new workers by easy 
stages instead of with a sudden plunge. 

7. Promotes a better selection of employees by de- 
creasing the necessity of hiring only for the immediate 
needs of the moment. 

8. Makes it possible to pay and to rank workers on the 
basis of actual work done under controlled conditions. 

9. Stimulates the development of new employees by 
making possible competitive trials. 

10. Provides a center in which old employees can be 
renovated and unsatisfactory employees eliminated. That 
is, it can act both as an outlet and an inlet. 

11. Acts as a shock absorber to prevent the accumula- 
tion of too much help in one department and the lack of 
help in another. 

12. Tends to promote standard practices in all parts of 
the shop and plant, and provides an excellent avenue for 
the plans of the industrial engineer. 

13. By using actual work as a basis for its instructions, 
the vestibule school both reduces its cost and prepares 
the employee for the work to come. 

For the sake of clarity, it may be added that the vesti- 



290 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

bule school has been discussed here almost entirely as a 
supplementary means of selecting the unskilled and semi- 
skilled workers which go to make so large a part of the 
present supply of labor. The education of skilled me- 
chanics and highly skilled workers of all kinds has not 
been touched upon. The need for such education is 
obvious, but the methods to be used belong rather to the 
field of industrial education than to the field of employ- 
ment psychology. Now, however, and for some time to 
come, there will be an enormous class of workers who 
have no particular trade or skill; and there will be an 
enormous number of jobs which require no particular 
skill or education. The task which confronts industry, 
therefore, is to select and to fit applicants for the work 
which is to be done. For this purpose, the vestibule 
school with its brief course of training is almost indis- 
pensable. 



I 



PART III 
SELECTION AND RETENTION 



PART III 
SELECTION AND RETENTION 

A very common notion among industrial and employ- 
ment managers is that all their problems will be solved 
when a scheme has been devised which will make it possi- 
ble to select the right man for the right place, A scheme 
which will do this, they believe, will do away with the 
enormous labor turnover which is so characteristic of 
industry to-day, and which adds such tremendous difficul- 
ties to the problems of production. The right man in 
the right place is a slogan to conjure with in commercial 
circles. It sounds as though it might well be the broad and 
genuine remedy for industrial as well as all other social 
ills. However, at the risk of seeming sensational, it must 
be said that industries to-day, especially the larger or- 
ganizations, are suffering not so much from inability to 
select the right man for the right place as from inability 
to know when the right man for the right place has been 
selected. To such an extent is this true that it can further 
be said that even if industries were in possession of a per- 
fect system of selection, and were able to use it perfectly, 
their labor turnover would still remain mysteriously high. 
Moreover, this high labor turnover would be in a very 
large measure due to the inability to recognize when the 
right man for the right place had been chosen. 

The business man will not let these statements pass un- 
challenged. In anticipation of his challenge the following 
question is proposed for consideration: How is it possible 

293 



294 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

to tell when the right man has been selected for the right 
place ? One of the first and most obvious answers which 
suggests itself is one which can be stated in terms of labor 
turnover. A selection can be called successful when the 
worker selected does not leave his job at once and make it 
necessary to obtain someone else. This is the answer of 
the employment manager^ because he assumes that if he 
does not have to continually replace the men whom he hires 
his selections are successful. This conclusion, however, is 
by no means an infallible one. Many an employee re- 
mains not because he is the right man for the place but 
because he is able to get by. His inability or unfitness may 
not be gross enough to arrest his supervisor's attention for 
a long time. Again, the worker may become lost in the 
wheels of the organization. There are innumerable other 
reasons why a worker who remains at his work may not 
be the right man for the right place; and yet, as long as he 
does remain, it is usually assumed that he is. 

Another answer to this question may be stated as fol- 
lows: A selection is successful when the man chosen suc- 
ceeds at the work to which he has been assigned. True; 
but this does not answer the question. It simply restates 
it in a slightly different way. How do we know when a man 
has succeeded? It is perhaps apparent that the purpose of 
this question is to bring out the fact that the success of a 
selection, or of the worker who has been selected, depends 
upon the judgment of somebody who is in authority to 
express such judgment. Brown succeeds at his job, not 
if he does his work well, no, but only if his foreman 
thinks that he does his work well. Jones fails in his work, 
not necessarily because he was poorly selected or because 
he did his work poorly, but because his foreman believed 
that he did his work poorly. From the lowest to the 



SELECTION AND RETENTION 295 

highest, from the most ordinary to the most extraordinary- 
member of an industrial organization, this fact applies. 
In the last analysis, whether or not the right man has 
been chosen for the right place depends upon what 
somebody /^m/^ J about the employee after he has been 
selected just as much as upon what the employment 
manager thinks about him at the time when he is being 
selected. 

It is apparent, therefore, that choosing the right man 
for the right place has two aspects; first, the process by 
which he is selected, and second, the process by which he is 
retained. If the methods of selection in use at the present 
time deserve a very thorough revision, it is safe to say that 
the methods of retention deserve an equally thorough 
overhauling. The methods by which men are being fired 
are every bit as haphazard as the methods by which they 
are being hired. This is a fact of which employment 
managers in particular have been made painfully aware. 
It is unnecessary here to go into the details of present-day 
methods of laying off and discharging workers. It is only 
necessary to point out the fact that even where only three 
or four interviewers hire applicants, fifty or a hundred 
foremen and supervisors may sometimes fire them. As a 
result, the varieties of temper, intelligence, and per- 
sonality which workers meet after they leave the em- 
ployment office tremendously increase and complicate the 
number of uncertain factors upon which the success of 
selections hinge. 

The purpose of what follows is to lay the foundations 
which will make it possible to know when the right man 
has actually been chosen for the right place. This attempt 
is directed along two lines: first, a system which will 
enable the employment manager to follow up the results of 



296 



EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 



his selections, and discover whether or not they are suc- 
cessful; second, a method which will guide the worker's 
superiors in determining when a worker has been success- 
ful and when he has not; in other words, a standard method 
by which to determine retention as well as selection. 



XXII 

THE MEASURE OF COMPARATIVE 
PRODUCTIVENESS 

Every case of employment has two aspects; namely, 
selection and retention. Selection rests on the judgment 
of the employment manager as to the fitness of an appli- 
cant for a particular position. Retention depends upon 
the judgment of some superior officer as to the degree of 
fitness which the applicant reveals after he has been em- 
ployed. When the judgment of the employment manager 
regarding a man and that of the man's superior agree, 
we have what is termed a perfect correlation. If their 
judgments are entirely at variance the correlation is 
negative. 

One of the most important and at the same time one 
of the most difficult problems in the selection and reten- 
tion of employees is the determination of the degree of 
correlation which exists between selection and retention, 
between the employment manager on the one hand, and 
the various officers such as foremen, superintendents, etc., 
who control employees after they have been selected on 
the other hand; in other words, to determine the extent 
to which the agencies of selection and the agencies of 
retention agree in their judgments. In the large majority 
of cases there is no reliable or impersonal standard for 
estimating the correlation between these two factors. A 
general practice, when a question as to the success of a 
selection arises, is to "pass the buck". The employment 

297 



298 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

bureau claims that its choice was a good one but that the 
man selected was not properly handled. The foreman or 
superintendent maintains that the choice was a poor one. 
Each side claims to be in the right, but since there is no defi- 
nite basis or standard upon which to rest a decision, the 
matter remains indefinitely unsettled. Moreover, in the 
very nature of the case it must remain unsettled, because 
the personal opinion of one man is balanced against the 
personal opinion of another. In the long run, however, the 
employment bureau is usually found at fault, not because 
the final fault necessarily rests there but because the 
weight of numbers is against it. The employment bureau 
is like a man surrounded by accusers on all sides, and for 
the lack of any reliable criterion, the majority rules. 

In order to illustrate roughly the intricacies of this prob- 
lem, the following series of typical situations is given: 

1. The employment manager may select an applicant 
whom he considers the right man for a place, but the fore- 
man, for any number of reasons, may object to the selec- 
tion. 

2. The foreman may accept the man, but discharge him 
at the end of a week or a month as unfit or undesirable. 

3. The foreman and employment manager may both 
agree on the value of a man, but the man himself may 
leave because of dissatisfaction with his work or salary, 
or for some other personal reason. 

4. The employment manager may hire a man for one 
kind of work and the foreman may put him on a different 
kind of work, causing him to leave. 

5. The employment manager may refuse to hire a man 
because he judges him to be unfit. In this case all trace 
is usually lost. 

6. The employment manager, the foreman, and the 



THE MEASURE OF COMPARATIVE PRODUCTIVENESS 299 

man hired may all agree and the man may become a 
valuable employee. 

These very typical cases all indicate how large a part 
personal judgments may play in the selection and reten- 
tion of employees. The agreements and differences in- 
volved in these hypothetical situations make it necessary 
to ask: Who is right or wrong, the foreman, the employ- 
ment manager, or the applicant? We are obliged to take 
the word of some one. Either the foreman is right and 
the employment manager wrong, or vice versa, or both 
may be right and the employee wrong, or both may be 
wrong and the employee right, or all of them may be 
wrong. At the present time, many companies require 
the foreman to give a reason for laying a man off, and in 
fairness to the employee, the latter is also asked to state 
his reason for leaving or being laid off. Practical expe- 
rience has shown that there is very little agreement be- 
tween the two sides of the story, and that the reasons 
given are very often entirely worthless. Again, it is one 
personal opinion against another. Some companies have 
committees to determine whether a man shall be laid 
off or promoted. These committees consist of the fore- 
man, employment manager, fellow workmen, educational 
manager, etc. Such committees are conducive to greater 
deliberateness and care; but nevertheless, their decision 
must also rest largely upon a basis of personal opinions 
and impressions, rather than upon some definite objective 
basis. Obviously, any attempt to fix the degree of corre- 
lation between the selection and retention of employees 
is bound to be almost valueless as long as it depends upon 
such precarious grounds as these. Even if the individuals 
governing selection and retention were of the most reliable 
character and ability, the continuous change in the per- 



300 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

sonnel of the employment bureau and especially in the 
ranks of the foremen, would entail a constant change in 
the standards and methods upon which selection and 
retention are based. The larger the organization, and the 
greater the separation between the employment office, 
superior officers, and employees, the more complex this 
problem becomes. In some organizations the employment 
office must select applicants for a thousand kinds of work, 
and the success of its selections depends upon the judg- 
ment of dozens, or even hundreds, of superintendents and 
foremen. In such places it becomes all the more necessary 
to reduce to a minimum the numerous variables involved 
in personal judgments and to devise a standard of measure- 
ment which will make it possible to base the selection and 
retention of employees on uniform grounds. 

The process of standardizing the methods of selection 
has already been carried to a considerable extent in the 
use of psychological tests. The use of these tests promises, 
in a comparatively short time, to place all selection on a 
more uniform basis. 

However, with regard to the retention of employees, 
very little uniformity of method exists. The old method, 
and the method which is still quite prevalent, is that 
which gives the foreman complete powers of discharge 
and promotion. The defects of this method have already 
been indicated and are so obvious as to need no further 
elaboration. Many large companies have taken this 
power away from the foreman and allowed him only the 
right to recommend promotions or dismissals. The final 
decision has been left with the employment manager or a 
committee such as that described.- The superiority of 
this method is more apparent than real. Theoretically 
the final decision is taken from the foreman. However, 



THE MEASURE OF COMPARATIVE PRODUCTIVENESS 3OI 

the employment manager or the committee which is sup- 
posed to assist in the decision is still largely dependent 
upon a set of extremely variable personal opinions. It 
must rely either upon the word of the employee in ques- 
tion, or upon general impressions of its own, or upon the 
word of the foreman. In the midst of this conglomeration 
of personal opinions, that of the foreman is bound to have 
the greatest weight, because it has the authority of one 
who is most closely in touch with the employee and who, 
even if he does not know the employee well, is at least 
supposed to know him better than anybody else. 

Most companies endeavor to cast light upon this prob- 
lem by computing their percentage of labor turnover, 
and by trying to analyze and interpret this percentage. 
This is a valuable step in determining the degree of agree- 
ment between selection and retention. However, up to the 
present time labor-turnover figures have remained very 
largely an unfathomable mystery. Although it has been 
possible to give roughly some of the principal reasons for 
labor turnover, it is generally acknowledged that an 
extremely large proportion of reasons for leaving hinge 
upon personal factors which, in the present scheme of 
things, can never be adequately determined. As long as 
the process of retention is based principally upon a large 
variety of constantly changing personal equations instead 
of upon some standard and impersonal basis, turnover fig- 
ures will retain their sphinx-like inscrutability. Many com- 
panies have an attendance record and a few are now keep- 
ing a record of the work done by each employee; but on 
the whole, these records are still very haphazard and their 
full value is not yet grasped. Nevertheless, such records 
are the greatest single advance in the right direction. In 
order to minimize the errors due to the personal equation. 



302 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

some objective record of the employee's activities is nec- 
essary. Such a record sets a limit to the imagination of 
the foreman, and also provides the employment manager 
or committee with a concrete and reliable basis upon 
which to rest an opinion. The present chapter is devoted 
largely to the development and application of such a 
record. 

In order to standardize the basis of retention and in 
order to put this basis into record form, it is necessary, 
first of all, to make a comprehensive estimate of the factors 
that should determine retention; in other words, to ascer- 
tain the relative importance of the various elements enter- 
ing into the relationship of the employee to the company 
or to the company's officers. 

In making an analysis of this relationship the first 
question which must be answered is: What is the chief 
purpose of the organization as a whole? 

The chief function of an industrial organization, aside 
from all sentimental considerations, is production. It 
matters not whether that production is in the form of 
manufactured goods or in the form of service, such as 
street-car service; it is still production. 

If it is granted that the chief object of an industry is 
to produce, then the foremost and most important factor 
about any member of that industry is his comparative 
productiveness. In estimating the value of the worker to 
the organization the first question should be: How does 
his productiveness compare with that of his co-workers? 
Obviously, an assembler who can assemble half again as 
many parts in a day as another man is the more valuable 
of the two, other things being equal. 

Productiveness has two aspects, quantity and quality, 
which naturally supplement each other. In most manu- 



THE MEASURE OF COMPARATIVE PRODUCTIVENESS 303 

facturing establishments all defective work is rejected or 
sent back to the responsible worker for repairs. In this 
way, the quantity of a man*s work is made directly depend- 
ent on its quality. By comparative productiveness we 
mean both the quantity and quality of work produced by 
an individual in comparison with other workers. 

Another factor which enters into the productiveness of 
an individual is attendance. A worker may be a very fast 
and careful operator or mechanic, but if he is out for a day 
or two days at frequent intervals, his work stands idle and 
his productiveness may fall below that of another worker 
not quite so fast but more regular in attendance. At- 
tendance is also a very good index of many other qualities 
essential to a good worker such as loyalty, health, indus- 
try, habits, and so forth. Indeed, the matter of attend- 
ance is now generally recognized as one of the most serious 
of all personnel and production problems. 

The question will undoubtedly be raised at this point: 
But what of honesty, patience, dependability, cleanliness, 
good moral habits, term of service, religious convictions, 
loyalty, and a host of other qualities just as important if 
not more so than mere ability to produce? We often find 
these qualities mentioned on interview and personal-record 
cards, and attempts are frequently made to describe 
workers in such terms. However, closer analysis will 
demonstrate that all of these factors enter into the pro- 
ductiveness of an individual. The worker who is loyal, 
industrious, and steady, will show it by producing more 
work than the one who is not. The employee who is 
neat, conscientious, and honest, will produce better work 
than the man who does not possess these qualities. In- 
deed, it is very difficult if not impossible to attribute such 
qualities to a worker except on the basis of comparative 



304 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

productiveness. There are several reasons why this should 
be so. In the first place, there is the reason which has 
already been frequently given; namely, the unreliability 
of human judgments. A foreman's or superintendent's 
opinion of a worker's moral qualities is very easily in- 
fluenced by many facts which are quite incidental, such 
as manner of speech or personal appearance. A man may 
be a very excellent worker and rank very high in the 
quantity and quality of his work and yet create an un- 
favorable impression because of such characteristics. 

A second reason which makes it unwise to estimate an 
individual's moral qualities otherwise than in terms of 
production is the fact that these qualities are themselves 
relative rather than absolute. As has been pointed out, 
the moral qualities depend largely on the work to which 
an individual is assigned. Therefore, they should be 
judged with reference to this work rather than in an abso- 
lute fashion. If the work is suited to the capacities and 
preferences of the worker, he is quite likely to reveal the 
desirable moral qualities; whereas, if he is not properly 
situated, he is likely to give signs of traits which are un- 
desirable. In either case, these would be exhibited in the 
quantity and quality of his work. If a worker fails to 
measure up to a certain standard of production, he should 
not be credited with a variety of undesirable moral traits. 
Rather he should be described as below the desired level of 
production and tried out on work of a different nature. 
No foreman or superior has the right to label his workers 
as morally unfit except in the most obvious cases. As a 
matter of fact, very few foremen have the courage to do 
so. One of the greatest drawbacks in the keeping of in- 
dividual records hitherto, particularly in the matter of 
obtaining from the foreman a written statement of the 



THE MEASURE OF COMPARATIVE PRODUCTIVENESS 305 

reasons for laying off a worker, has been this difficulty. 
Neither the foreman nor the worker considers this a just 
or an accurate procedure, for the very reason that the 
judgment expressed is too dependent on the personal 
equation and other unreliable variables. On the other 
hand, the record of a man's actual work, his comparative 
productiveness, is an impersonal criterion which is fair 
from both points of view, that of employee and employer, 
and does not excite the animosity so likely to be aroused 
by a personal opinion. 

A third reason for judging moral qualities in terms of 
production rather than in terms of the descriptive ad- 
jectives usually applied is the fact that the former is 
usually much the more sensitive indicator. For instance, 
if a worker has been out late the night before or has taken 
part in some strenuous celebration, it may not be apparent 
to the foreman on the following morning, but the effects 
will hardly escape the impartial record of the man's pro- 
duction for that day or ensuing days. Continuous irregu- 
larities in the worker's manner of living may be kept from 
the foreman for a long time, but they are bound to affect 
the worker's ability to turn out work. The same principle 
applies to most moral traits. Impatience, lack of concen- 
tration, carelessness, dissipation, laziness, dishonesty — all 
of these traits will express themselves in the amount of 
work done by the individual with mathematical certainty. 
Therefore, for the sake of this increased certainty and 
decreased ambiguity, the description of a worker's moral 
qualities should be limited to his production record. 

There are instances, to be sure, in which the moral 
qualities must be considered in themselves. Honesty, for 
example, is not always or entirely expressed in a man's 
productiveness. Therefore it is difficult to compare men 



306 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

on the basis of their degree of honesty. We usually think 
of a man as either honest or dishonest. And we generally 
assume that a man is honest until evidence to the con- 
trary appears. Therefore, it is unnecessary and even 
wasteful to include on a worker's record the virtue of 
honesty. It is only the occasional exception who must be 
recorded. 

Before discussing the methods of recording comparative 
productiveness, we may briefly summarize the discussion 
preceding. The chief purpose of an industrial organiza- 
tion is to produce. Therefore the chief factor in the rela- 
tion between the individual worker and the organization is 
comparative productiveness. Productiveness and attend- 
ance can be mathematically measured on an impersonal 
and uniform basis. A periodic record of these factors, 
practically independent of all personal opinions, can be 
kept. 

The moral qualities as described by the terms patience, 
reliability, industry, carefulness, neatness, determination, 
etc., can not be measured mathematically or impersonally. 
The attributing of these qualities depends largely on the 
personal likes and dislikes of the foreman or other personal 
factors. The moral qualities are relative, rather than 
absolute, depending for their character and intensity 
upon the degree to which the tasks of the worker are suited 
to his abilities and preferences. Therefore, it is more 
just to praise or find fault with a worker's productiveness 
than with his moral characteristics. Finally, most moral 
traits work themselves out in productiveness even before 
they become apparent in a general way. It is best from 1: 
every point of view to make the production record an ■ 
index to a worker's characteristics. Such a method will, 
to a great extent, remove the unpleasant necessity of 



THE MEASURE OF COMPARATIVE PRODUCTIVENESS 307 

obtaining a workman's character from his superior and 
will at the same time remove the ground for mutual 
suspicion and distrust which exists between the worker and 
his employers. 

Granting that relative productiveness is the one most 
important factor about an employee, how can this factor 
be accurately measured? And how can the method of 
measuring it be standardized so as to permit comparing 
one worker with another? Frankly, there are many 
human pursuits in which productiveness can not and 
probably never will be mathematically measured. This 
will be taken up more fully in the following chapter. But 
there is a vast and ever growing field of industry in which 
such a measurement is possible. It has been made possible 
by the tremendous development of the division of labor 
and by the application of the principle of piece-work 
earnings. These are conditions which already exist and 
which provide the broad basis upon which the productive- 
ness of individuals can be measured and compared. The 
actual application of this measure, however, must be 
guided by certain practical principles. 

In the first place, the productiveness of one man can be 
compared with that of another if both men are engaged in 
the same kind of work, but not otherwise. For example, 
if Jones assembles eight motors a day and Brown repairs 
eleven, it would be obviously unfair to say that Brown is 
more productive than Jones. If both men are doing the 
same work and Jones assembles eight motors while Brown 
assembles six, then Jones may be called the more produc- 
tive in that kind of work. However, it would be false to 
infer that because Jones is the more productive of the 
two men in assembling, that he would be the more pro- 
ductive in repairing. Such an inference would violate 



308 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

one of the fundamental laws of psychology; namely, the 
law of the transfer of practice. This law states that prac- 
tice in one kind of work does not necessarily mean ability 
in another kind. We can sum up the results of these 
observations in the form of a principle or law, as follows: 

'Two or more individuals can be compared with each other 
on the ground of productiveness only if they are both pro- 
ducing the same thing. 

This leads us to another consideration. If employees are 
to be compared on the basis of productiveness they must 
not only be doing work of the same kind but they must be 
doing it under exactly the same conditions. For example, 
if a hundred girls are inspecting parts and fifty of them are 
working in a close, poorly lighted room with an unhandy 
lay-out for their work, it would not be fair to compare 
their output with that of fifty girls in a large, well-lighted 
room with an improved lay-out. Or, to use another 
example, it would not be fair to compare two tool makers 
on the basis of output if one of them were using the latest 
kind of machinery while the other had to work at machines 
that were almost obsolete. This may be formulated in the 
following law: 

Two or more employees producing the same article can be 
compared on the basis of productiveness only when they 
are working under uniform conditions, 

A third consideration enters into the determination 
of comparative productiveness; namely, the time-study 
factor. It is impossible to call one man more productive 
than another unless both men are wotking on a piece-work 
or task basis. As long as men are paid a straight salary or 
day rate, they all tend to produce about the same quantity 



i 



THE MEASURE OF COMPARATIVE PRODUCTIVENESS 309 

of work. As soon as they are paid a bonus or piece-work 
rate, individual differences begin to increase and it be- 
comes possible to compare employees on the basis of 
production. There are numerous conditions which arise 
to defeat the purposes of the piece-work rate and to hinder 
the free development of the individual. These conditions 
are known to most managers and we may therefore include 
them by suggestion in the following law: 

Two or more employees can be compared on the basis of 
productiveness only when they are allowed to produce 
und3r conditions which will encourage them to develop to 
their fullest capacity. 

It may be objected that the three conditions outlined 
here as essential to a comparison of individuals are too 
idealistic, too theoretical, too far in the future for imme- 
diate application. As a matter of fact, they have already 
been realized. They are not theories but actualities. The 
great industrial development of the age has been the 
division and standardization of productive processes. All 
operations are being broken down into their elements, and 
instead of one man performing a hundred different opera- 
tions on a single product, as in time past, we now have one 
hundred men performing exactly the same operation on a 
single part of the product. In this phenomenon, we have 
the fulfillment of the conditions indicated in the first two 
laws. The third condition is fulfilled in the generally 
accepted piece-work principle. These three conditions, 
namely, the standardization of operations, tools, and 
rates — already carried out to an enormous extent — are 
likely to be realized still more extensively. There is no 
prophesying what their scope will be in the coming in- 
dustrial period. 



lO 



EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 



Although many companies have approximated these 
three conditions, and are to-day paying their employees 
on the basis of comparative productiveness, it has not 
occurred to them that the same basis may be utilized in 
estimating the employee's relative value to the company 
or that the same standard may be applied to the process of 
promoting, laying off, and demoting. It seems almost un- 
believable that one of the most fundamental principles 
in the science of management, namely, the recognition of 
individual aptitudes and differences by means of a piece- 
work rate, should be so largely neglected in its application 
to the retention and re-selection of employees. 

As a result of this analysis, the following form and 
procedure were devised: 



Name- 



-Shop 





Class of 
Work 


EARNINGS 


m 

"1" 

1^ 


S 

1' 

< 


1^ 


2| 




tl 


Day 
Work 
Rate 


PIECE-WOKK AND BONUS 




p^ 


Amt. 


Hrs. 


Hrly 
Aver. 


Group 
Aver. 




(I) 


(2) 


(3) 


(4) 


(5) 


(6) 


(7) 


(8) 


(9) 


(lo) 





Reasons for leaving. 



This form provides for a record of the individual work- 
er's comparative productiveness. It provides also for 
certain other important items which affect the individual's 
standing and which must be considered in determining 
the correlation between selection and retention. The rec- 
ord of productiveness is provided for in columns three, 
four, five, and six. The record is to be made in terms of 



THE MEASURE OF COMPARATIVE PRODUCTIVENESS 3II 

money because money is the universal language into 
which all production is translated. The total piece-work 
or bonus earnings (column 3) divided by the number of 
hours worked (column 4) gives the average earnings per 
hour (column 5). Since these earnings stand for a certain 
amount of good work done, this hourly average is the 
index to the worker*s productiveness. However, in order 
to compare his productiveness with that of others, it is 
necessary to obtain the hourly average or rate of produc- 
tion for the entire group. This is done by adding the 
hourly average of all individuals engaged in the same 
kind of work (see column i, kind of work), and dividing 
it by the number of individuals at work. The group 
average (column 6) therefore represents the standard by 
which the comparative productiveness of individuals may 
be judged. When the hourly average of an individual is 
higher than the group average for a given week or series 
of weeks, it is obvious that the productiveness of that 
individual is high in comparison with that of the majority 
of the group. 

This method of computing the group average and using 
it as a standard for comparison has certain very desirable 
features. In the first place, it is based upon the actual 
production of the workers engaged. Instead of bringing 
in a fixed and more or less theoretical standard of what 
all workers ought to do, it compares the individuals of a 
group with each other on the basis of what they are doing. 
Thus, it is just as effective in separating the sheep from 
the goats as the most rigid method imaginable, without 
having even a semblance of unfairness or pressure. Sec- 
ondly, such a standard varies with the varying conditions 
of production. Every manager knows that production 
is not a smooth and orderly process at all timQS. There 



312 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

are halts and inequalities in industrial programs which 
frequently delay or accelerate the productiveness of the 
individuals engaged. (See the third principle governing 
the record of comparative productiveness.) For this rea- 
son it would be unfair to compare an individuaFs produc- 
tiveness with a fixed standard or rate. The group average 
as computed here must of necessity reflect all these con- 
ditions, by being low when the conditions are adverse and 
high when they are favorable. It is evident, therefore, 
that the group average combines the virtues of rigidity and 
flexibility. On the one hand, it serves as a fixed and im- 
partial standard by which to estimate the comparative 
productiveness of each individual. On the other hand, 
it is a fair standard to go by, because it rests upon the 
work of the individuals actually concerned and varies 
with the conditions under which they are required to 
work. 

The method of computing comparative productiveness 
described does not take into consideration the continuity 
of productiveness or attendance. For a variety of rea- 
sons, it is desirable to record attendance as a separate 
item. Every efficiency scheme or system of management 
has included elaborate charts and methods of keeping 
attendance records. Many of these have been distin- 
guished by their artistic rather than their practical merits. 
The simplest and most flexible method of keeping an 
attendance record is the percentage method. In keeping 
such a record, absences should be divided into two kinds 
and only two kinds, those for which the organization is 
to be debited and those for which the individual worker 
is to be debited. Among the former must be included all 
time lost through lack of work, preventable industrial 
accidents, legal and company holidays, vacations and any 



THE MEASURE OF COMPARATIVE PRODUCTIVENESS 313 

breakdown or hold-up in production processes. Among 
the latter is all time lost through tardiness, all time lost 
through illness or any other involuntary cause and all 
absences due to voluntary causes. To the second part 
of this provision many objections are sure to be raised. 
What if the cars are snowed in or a train wrecked? 
What if a relative dies or a friend is married ? How can 
a worker be held responsible for time lost through illness ? 
As a matter of fact, a certain allowance ought to be made 
to every worker for absences due to reasons similar to 
the above. Nevertheless, all absences, whether voluntary 
or involuntary, detract from a worker*s productiveness 
and must therefore be charged to his account. Of two 
workers, one of whom lives near by and is always regular 
in attendance, and another who lives far away and is 
therefore frequently delayed by transportation tie-ups or 
is frequently out because of illness, the former should 
unquestionably have preference. Another advantage of 
charging all absences in class two to the worker is that it 
relieves the foreman or superior of the unpleasant and 
undesirable task of deciding which absences should be 
excused and which not. 

The formula for computing attendance percentage on 
the basis outlined above is: Hours actually worked plus 
the number of hours lost through the company^s fault, 
divided by the number of hours scheduled. For in- 
stance, if the working schedule is forty-eight hours a 
week and the worker is out a half day or four hours on 
account of illness or personal business, and loses in addi- 
tion a half day or four hours through lack of materials, 
his attendance percentage for the week is : forty-four (that 
is, forty hours plus only the four hours lost by the indi- 
vidual on the company's responsibility) divided by forty- 



314 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

eight (the scheduled number of hours) or ninety-one and 
six-tenths. This result is to be entered in column 8. The 
attendance record, taken in conjunction with the earn- 
ings record, makes it possible to establish a worker *s 
comparative productiveness over any given period of 
time. 

Column 2 provides for the straight hourly or weekly 
wage. There are many workers who are paid a straight 
rate for the hour or for the week. It is impossible to 
judge the comparative productiveness of these individuals 
on the basis of their earnings. Still, it is very desirable 
to keep the record as a basis on which to control the prog- 
ress or promotions of any individual from one rate to 
another. The total weekly earnings and hours worked 
(columns 9 and 10) should be kept for a variety of reasons, 
one of which is accounting, another the necessity of a 
comprehensive record which will contain all the earnings 
of an individual, whether on piece-work or straight 
work. 

Finally, a column is provided for the foreman's rating. 
In spite of what has been said about the disadvantages 
of personal ratings, the prejudices and accidents by which 
they are governed, it must be recognized that the personal 
factor is a potent one in every situation. If a foreman 
takes a violent dislike to a man, even for a superficial 
reason, a situation more or less harmful to the productive- 
ness of the shop is created. Foremen or workers can not 
help forming certain likes and dislikes, because they are 
human beings rather than efficient machines. Now, in- 
stead of allowing the foreman's emotional judgments to 
have full sway, and permitting him to favor or fire his 
men until in course of time he has either proved himself 
to be a very good or a very bad judge of human nature. 



THE MEASURE OF COMPARATIVE PRODUCTIVENESS 315 

or, on the other hand, depriving the foreman entirely of 
the right to exercise such judgments, a sane middle course 
may be adopted. The importance and effectiveness of per- 
sonal and emotional estimates should be recognized from 
the outset by providing a column in which they shall be 
expressed. However, such estimates, instead of being 
entirely free, shall be controlled and guided. Now, it is 
evident from the form which has been provided that this 
can be done. On one side of the foreman's column is the 
worker's record of productiveness. If the foreman is in- 
clined to rate a good man too low, a glance at his adjacent 
production record will automatically remind him of the 
worker's good points. If the foreman has, as sometimes 
happens, made it particularly easy or hard for a man to 
get out his work, a glance at the attendance record on the 
other side will remind him of the man's steadiness and 
reliability. Furthermore, if the opinion of a worker's value 
must be expressed in terms of A, B, C, and D, rather than 
more highly colored terms, the danger of emotional excess 
is still further reduced. Finally, by requiring a periodic 
expression of opinion rather than a sporadic one, another 
danger of excess is removed. In industrial situations the 
principle, count ten before you speak, can be applied with 
great profit. If there is something of special significance 
which must be said, space is provided under '' Remarks'^ -^ 
although this place is intended also for the recording of 
many other factors which should affect an employee's 
retention; namely, "attends night school", "understands 
electrical work", "popular with the men", "would like 
a trial as a tool setter ", and so forth. There are a thousand 
and one unpredictable facts or incidents which have a 
bearing upon the individual's record but for which no 
standard procedure can be devised. Under "Reason for 



3l6 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

leaving" can be recorded the final summary of facts at 
the time of the individual's departure. 

This record, therefore, embodies the fundamental ele- 
ments in estimating the value of a shop employee. Other 
points such as age, family ties, physical condition, etc., 
should be recorded on application, and the record kept 
in the employment office. The activity record, however, 
should be kept in the shop as long as an employee remains 
there, and should serve as the basis of promotions, assign- 
ments, change in wages, and especially as a guide to the 
order in which men are to be laid off when that becomes 
necessary. After an employee has left the shop, the rec- 
ord should be kept in the employment office and used as 
a basis for rehiring a man should he apply for work in the 
future. Above all it should serve as a standard basis upon 
which to judge the degree of correlation which exists be- 
tween the process of selection and retention, between the 
judgments of the employment interviewers and those of 
the various shop foremen and superintendents under whom 
the selected men are working. 

DETERMINING CORRELATIONS 

It remains, now, to show just how the correlation be- 
tween selection and retention is to be determined. If we 
are to remain true to our analysis, the first step in deter- 
mining correlations will be to compare the records obtained 
in the physical and mental tests with the production 
records kept on the activity cards. For example, let us 
suppose that there are ten men who have been selected 
for the same kind of work, and whose records in the tests, 
in production, and in attendance are approximately as 
follows: 



THE MEASURE OF COMPARATIVE PRODUCTIVENESS 317 





Standing in 


Production 


in terms 


Attendance 


Men 


Tests 


of/ 


earned 


per hr. 


% 


A 


98 




70 




97 


B 


96 




69 




95 


C 


95 




68 




80 


D 


92 




66 




99 


E 


87 




64 




93 


F 


81 




63 




90 


G 


76 




61 




92 


H 


69 




59 




99 


I 


62 




55 




84 


J 


53 




53 




87 


10 


809 




628 




916 




Av. 80.9 


Group Av. 


62.8 


Av. 91.6 



It is evident from the above figures that there is a 
satisfactory degree of correlation between the records in 
the tests and in production. The men who were highest 
in the tests were, on the whole, highest in production, 
and vice versa. If we apply the formula, familiar to 
statisticians, and explained in Chapter II, we would 
obtain plus .60 as the index of correlation, and this is a 
rather high index. If th^ere were no close correspondence 
between the test and production records, the correlation 
would be expressed in a much lower figure, for example, 
plus .08 or even a minus quantity such as minus .62. 
Thus it becomes possible to determine with mathematical 
exactness just what degree of correspondence exists be- 
tween these two factors, and to tell what the success of 
the selections has been. 

If, now, it becomes necessary to lay men off for lack of 
work, unsuitability, or any other reason, the employment 
manager can determine, by referring to the employee's 
activity record, whether or not the right men are being 
laid off. For example, let us suppose that A, C and J on 



3l8 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

the list given are to be laid off. If, as ought to be the 
case, the activity records of these men are sent into the 
employment office before the men are laid off, it will be 
seen that J is the least productive man in the group but 
that A and C are about the most productive. J's dis- 
missal would therefore be accepted without question, 
but there would be a decided reason for investigating the 
reasons for the dismissal of the other two men. A further 
inspection of the activity records might show that, al- 
though C was the third most productive man in the 
group, his attendance was only 80%, which would put him 
pretty close to the bottom of the list in total production. 
And it might appear that A, although the most productive 
man, was marked "d" consistently by his foreman. This 
would indicate the existence of some strong reason for the 
discharge of that man, and this reason might be given 
under "Remarks'*. It might be given there as "in- 
subordination", or "morally unfit*'. The employment 
office may consider it worth while investigating this 
charge, especially if it is made against the most productive 
man in the group, and may be able to correct what turns 
out to be a mere temporary difficulty between the foreman 
and his best man. Or it might be shown, upon investiga- 
tion, that the machine at which this man happened to be 
working ran out of work, and therefore it became necessary 
to release the man. The employment manager, upon the 
strength of the activity records, could easily suggest the 
most intelligent way of meeting this situation by recom- 
mending that the least productive, rather than one of the 
most productive, men be released. 

This account describes situations which occur daily 
in every company, and which are a source of everlast- 
ing perplexity. It also shows how the standardization 



THE MEASURE OF COMPARATIVE PRODUCTIVENESS 319 

of the basis for selection and retention makes it possible 
to simplify these perplexities. In the instances given it 
appeared, when these men were recommended for dis- 
charge, that there was a lack of correlation between 
selection and retention in the case of A. However, a 
comparison between the two sets of records showed that 
this lack of correlation existed only at one point, and by 
investigating this point, the matter was rectified and the 
correlation maintained at a higher level. 

Evidently, therefore, this method of finding the corre- 
lation between selection and retention has a double as- 
pect. First, the strictly statistical, by which the degree 
of correlation may be numerically expressed. Second, the 
corrective, which reveals the exact points of difference 
between selection and retention and thereby makes it 
possible to apply the correct remedies. 

There are, to be sure, many factors in the selection and 
retention of employees which have not been considered 
here, such as length of service, religious or political views, 
family status, etc. These, however, are ethical questions 
and must be settled on ethical rather than on scientific 
grounds. Psychology can offer only certain general 
principles to aid in their solution. However, as long as 
the chief object of an industry is to serve or to produce, all 
0^ these questions must be treated in the light of their 
effect upon the employees^ productiveness. The industry 
or organization which does not attain a certain standard of 
productiveness or service can not survive; but the attain- 
ments of any organization depend upon the comparative 
productiveness of its units, the individuals who compose 
it. Comparative productiveness, therefore, is the " lead ", 
the criterion, with reference to which all the factors of 
selection and retention must be determined. 



XXIII 

MEASURING BY LIMITED IMPRESSIONS 

The method of determining correlations described can 
be applied, with slight adaptations, to many industries 
where large-scale production is carried on. The future 
will see an even greater division of labor and refinement 
in manufacturing methods; consequently, the method of 
comparative productiveness will be applicable to an ever 
increasing extent. Still there will always be instances 
where relative productiveness can not be computed math- 
ematically, and where the process of production will not 
meet the three conditions outlined. The following in- 
stances may be given as representative of conditions un- 
der which the method of comparative productiveness is 
not applicable: 

1. The small factory, in which the variety of work to be 
done is large in proportion to the number of workers em- 
ployed. Each employee is likely to be engaged in several 
different operations each day, making it impossible to 
compare individuals on the basis of identical work done 
under identical conditions. 

2. Offices, in which the variety of work Is almost 
infinite, and in which it is practically impossible to com- 
pute the relative productiveness of individuals. 

3. Service corporations such as railroads, street-car 
companies, etc., where the conditions of service vary 
greatly, and where, in consequence, it is difficult to com- 
pute exactly the relative usefulness of individuals. 

320 



II 



MEASURING BY LIMITED IMPRESSIONS 321' 

4, Positions which require unusual ability or in which 
the work is specialized to such an extent as to preclude the 
possibility of comparing it with the work of others. 

In general, it may be stated that the method of esti- 
mating comparative productiveness is not applicable 
where the principle of piece-work rates can not be applied, 
and is not practicable where only a few individuals are 
doing the same kind of work. 

This fact, however, makes it all the more desirable to 
obtain an impersonal estimate of each employee's capabil- 
ities. The piece-work plan of compensation, or any other 
differential scheme, automatically tends to weed out the 
incapable employees. The very fact that the applicants 
selected for certain kinds of work fail to attain the level of 
productiveness required by the piece-work rates on that 
work, tends to show that the selections were unwise, and 
that those workers who fail to reach that level ought not 
to be retained on that particular operation. Where there 
is no plan of differential compensation this automatic 
weeding-out process does not occur. No supervisor can 
begin to approach in minuteness and concentration the 
supervision which the differential plan of compensation 
brings to bear. The employee's success, therefore, de- 
pends upon how well he can impress his superiors with his 
social connections, personal appearance, amiability, and a 
multitude of more or less incidental factors. The promo- 
tion and retention of such individuals, as every manager 
knows, depend very often upon momentary considera- 
tions and fleeting impressions. In fact, one of the mys- 
teries of management is the way in which individuals 
progress through the various ranks of occupation and 
salary. Their comings and goings are as inexplicable as 
the traditional coming and going of the wind. 



322 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

This difficulty does not remove the necessity of forming 
estimates of the capabilities of employees. On the con- 
trary, it makes the necessity more urgent. If the work can 
not be standardized, and if the estimate of workers must 
depend upon personal opinions, the next best step must be 
taken. This step is to standardize the method in which 
personal opinions shall be expressed, and to pursue a 
course which shall reduce the chance elements in such ex- 
pressions to a minimum. 

But how can the formation and expression of personal 
opinions be standardized? As a matter of fact, they can 
not. Certain limits or guide posts can be established which 
will tend to produce a certain degree of uniformity. For 
this reason, the plan suggested here is called the method 
of limited impressions. 

In the first place, the time at which these opinions are 
to be expressed can be specified. Too often the estimate 
of an employee is left until the critical minute when the 
employee asks for a promotion or a release. As long as an 
employee's work goes without serious hitches, the em- 
ployee is regarded simply as a more or less useful fixture, 
and no attempt is made to study him or to gauge his 
capacities. When the emergency arises, an estimate must 
be made in a comparatively short time and frequently 
without an adequate basis of observation. If, now, at 
certain stated periods, it automatically becomes the duty 
of each head or manager to review carefully the work and 
value of each of the workers under him, and to record this 
review in a definite manner, this haphazard and for- 
tuitous expression of personal opinions will be largely 
done away with. A formal record -of such a periodic 
estimate would constitute a continuous appraisal of an 
employee, would tend to keep the employee's qualities 



MEASURING BY LIMITED IMPRESSIONS 323 

freshly In mind, would encourage a deliberate instead of a 
hasty expression, would serve as a check against emotional 
prejudices, and would overcome the serious lapses to 
which man's memory is subject. Too much can not be 
said about the unreliability of the faculty of memory and 
the great danger of depending for our opinions of people 
upon so uncertain a quantity. 

A periodic written estimate would do much to reduce 
the sporadic character of so many of our impressions 
regarding people. However, the impressionistic method 
can be still further improved upon by arbitrarily limiting 
the range over which our impressions shall be spread. 
Without some arbitrary limitation, the qualities with 
which a worker may be credited or debited will be limited 
only by the descriptive vocabulary of the person making 
the estimate. The result will be a collection of biographies, 
too clumsy and involved to be of any value in comparing 
people. Therefore, although men may be capable of as 
many virtues as the human tongue can find names for, 
practical considerations make it necessary to concentrate 
upon a few of the more important qualities. Only by 
means of such a limitation will it become possible to find 
a uniform basis upon which to compare people. 

The selection of the few most important qualities pre- 
sents a most complex problem. To begin with, we have 
no concrete manifestation or summation of qualities such 
as is offered by the comparative productiveness of the 
piece-worker. Probably the only mathematical or con- 
crete summation of qualities which we have is that signi- 
fied by the attendance record. The factor of attendance, 
therefore, presents itself as the most definite and obvious 
one to be selected for this purpose. All other qualities 
must be selected after a more or less arbitrary method. 



324 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

For example, we might follow the analogy of production 
and choose, as a leading quality, industry. Industry is 
the quality most closely corresponding to production, 
and although it is not subject to measurement, certain 
impressions as to an employee's industry can be gained 
by observation. 

Numberless other qualities might be chosen, such as 
honesty, neatness, initiative, diplomacy, attention, per- 
sonal appearance, temperament, intelligence, responsibil- 
ity, etc., etc. Probably no two men will agree as to which 
are the most important qualities, and, as a matter of fact, 
it is not essential that they should. For practical purposes, 
it is much more important that a limited number of fairly 
well-recognized qualities be selected, and, above all, that 
the qualities selected be adequately defined. It avails 
little how many are chosen if those which are chosen are 
not carefully explained. As a tentative step, the follow- 
ing qualities are suggested and defined: 

1. Attendance: To be estimated by the method de- 
scribed in the preceding chapter. 

2. Industry: The degree of concentration and energy 
which the worker habitually brings to bear on his 
duties. 

3. Intelligence: The quickness and thoroughness with 
which an employee grasps and executes tasks and direc- 
tions. 

4. Reliability: The accuracy and care with which an 
employee carries out his assignments. 

5. Speed: The despatch with which the worker accom- 
plishes his tasks. 

6. Initiative: The degree of originality and inventive- 
ness which the employee brings to bear upon new problems 
directly or indirectly connected with his work. 



MEASURING BY LIMITED IMPRESSIONS 325 

7. "Tact: The success with which the employee is able 
to deal with his superiors and fellow workers. 

8. Executive Ability: The success which the worker 
shows in handling problems which require the directing 
of others. 

9. Orderliness: The system and neatness which the 
worker shows in the arrangement and execution of his 
work. 

10. Habits: The traits manifested by the worker with 
reference to personal appearance, use of stimulants, lan- 
guage, etc. 

These qualities are by no means exhaustive or unam- 
biguous. However, it will be found that any attempt on 
the part of an individual or a committee to enumerate 
and outline a set of leading qualities will lead to an almost 
endless discussion, without producing any completely 
satisfying conclusions. As an example of the results of 
one such discussion, occupying a period of several weeks, 
the following chart is given: 

INDIVIDUAL PROGRESS REPORT 

Date 

Name 

Consider carefully each of the quaHties given below and then place 
a check after each one which applies to the person under consideration. 

I. Health III. Speed 

1. Poor I. Slow 

2. Fair 2. Fair 

3. Good 3. Fast 

4. Excellent 4. Very fast 

II. Quality of Workmanship IV. Habits 

1. Poor I. Bad 

2. Fair 2. Fair 

3. Good 3. Good 

4. Excellent 4. Exemplary 



3^6 



EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 



V. Temperament 

1. Enthusiastic 

2. Indifferent 

3. Conservative 

4. Willing 

5. Stubborn 

6. Persistent 

7. Quick-tempered 

8. Even-tempered 

VI. Mental Qualities 

1. Dull 

2. Alert 

3. Medium 

1. Poor memory 

2. Good memory 

3. Medium 

1. Concentrative 

2. Wandering 

3. Medium 

1. Constructive 

2. Analytical 

3. Neither 

4. Both 

1. Judicious 

2. Injudicious 

3. Medium 



VII. Personal Appearance 

1. Neat 

2. Slovenly 

3. Medium 

1. Antagonistic 

2. Cooperative 

3. Medium 

1. Irritating 

2. Tactful 

3. Medium 

1. Weak 

2. Forceful 

3. Medium 

VIII. Other Qualities 

1. Plodding 

2. Initiative 

3. Routine 

1. Honest 

2. Dishonest 

1. Unusual ability for 
leading and directing 
others 

2. Moderate ability for 
leadership 

3. Needs to be lead and 
directed. 



What change in position, if any, do you recommend ? 
What additional facts are pertinent to this case? 

Signed 



il 



MEASURING BY LIMITED IMPRESSIONS 327 

It will be seen that this form provides for a very detailed 
analysis, involving a great variety of qualities and subtle 
distinctions. The mechanism of this form is as follows: 
Each quality has a given numerical value of which the 
subdivisions form a part. For example, speed may be 
valued at ten points. If, under this heading, the sub- 
division " very fast'' is checked, the individual would be 
credited with ten or all of the points belonging to that 
quality, \ijast is checked, eight of the ten points would 
be allowed. If fair, six points; if slow, four points. The 
same applies to every quality in various proportions. The 
highest possible number of points is loo. The person 
making the estimate would need only to check the quali- 
ties. A clerk in possession of the key would put down the 
values and total the results. 

This method has certain advantages; but, on the whole, 
it is likely to be too detailed and laborious for very exten- 
sive use. Moreover, where personal opinions are the final 
standard, not much is gained by trying to draw distinc- 
tions which are very subtle and elusive. There is also 
the obvious difficulty of defining some of the qualities 
enumerated. 

As a shorter and more simple method the following 
form, based upon the ten qualities defined, is suggested. 



328 



EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 



Name- 



-Location 



Opposite each quality enter either number i, 2, 3, or 4, 
according as you consider the worker named in the 1st, 2nd, 
3rd or 4th class in respect to that particular quality. 



1. Attendance- 

2. Industry 

3. Intelligence - 
Speed 



Initiative . 



4- 

5- 

6. Tact 

7. Executive Ability . 



8. 

9- 
10. 



Orderliness 

Personal Habits. 
Reliability 



Total. 



Estimate made by 



Date. 



This method requires comparatively little work, is 
general enough to be inclusive, is not so subtle as to be- 
come ambiguous, and makes it possible to note the result 
at a glance. The above form provides for but a single 
estimate. However, this is a desirable feature, since all 
estimates ought to be made independently and the inde- 
pendent results recorded on another permanent record. 
The form on page 329 is a summary card upon which the 
estimates made by various appraisers can be entered. This 
form also provides for a running history of the worker's 
salary and of the positions which he has held. In this 
respect it is like the productivity record described in the 
preceding chapter. 



MEASURING BY LIMITED IMPRESSIONS 
SUMMARY OF INDIVIDUAL ESTIMATES 



329 



NAME 






1 






















LOCATION 


DATE 


POSITION 


WAGE 


QUALITIES 


































i 
































Attendance 
































Industry 
































Intelligenco 
































Speed 
































InitiaUve 
































Tact 
































Executive Ab. 




















. 












Orderliness 
































Personal Habits 
































BeliabiUty 


























3 






































•Sola 



























The next question to be considered is this: Who shall 
make these estimates ? In the first place, they should never 
be made by equals, because, no matter how honest an 
individual may be, it is practically impossible for him to 
express a fair opinion of a fellow worker who is a possible 
rival. The estimates of each employee should be made by 
at least two superiors. The employee's immediate supe- 
rior should always pass judgment because his interests 
are directly concerned and because he should have the 
most thorough knowledge of the workers under him. 
However, his opinions should be checked against those of 
some other superior who has at least an acquaintance with 
the employees being considered. In practice, there are 
usually several overseers or superintendents who are more 
or less directly concerned with the same group of workers. 
The very consciousness that one opinion is subject to 
check against another serves to create greater care on the 



330 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

part of the judges. The judges themselves, in turn, 
should be subject to the appraisal of their superiors. The 
total result would then be a pyramid of appraisals with 
the general manager or the board of directors as the final 
appraiser. This is quite in accord with the present system, 
in which managers stand or fall according as they are 
able to gauge correctly the character of their subordinates. 
However, this method goes still further, by introducing 
a great refinement into the present more or less individual- 
istic hit-or-miss process. One is inclined to wonder, in 
this connection, whether the time will ever come at which 
this method will also work backwards, so that the workers 
will similarly appraise their superiors. 

In one of the best organized companies in Buffalo, it 
is the practice to rank all foremen and assistants in a 
fashion similar to that described here and to award them 
a semiannual bonus upon the basis of their standing. 
If any one fails to receive a bonus and asks the reason why, 
he is shown this record and his shortcomings are pointed 
out to him. The officials of this company assert that the 
results are highly beneficial. 

Granting that the proposed method outlines certain 
limits and standards to which the impressionistic method 
must conform, the great question which still remains 
is this: Does this method eliminate that prolific source 
of trouble, prejudice? The unhesitating answer to this 
question must be: No. No method which rests in the 
final analysis upon personal impressions or opinions can 
be free from prejudice. However, it can be stated with 
equal emphasis that the method described will tend to 
minimize prejudices most decidedly. ^ 

In the first place, although prejudices can never be 
avoided, they can to a large extent be neutralized. A prej- 



i 



MEASURING BY LIMITED IMPRESSIONS 33 1 

udice, as is well known, often rests upon only one quality 
in a person. Consequently, when the attention is called 
to qualities possessed by the worker other than the offen- 
sive one, the tendency is toward a more equitable and 
balanced opinion. For example, a supervisor may have 
conceived an intense dislike for one of his workers because 
of a strange and affected manner of speech. However, 
on glancing down the card, he may be compelled to admit 
that this worker is very industrious, intelligent, orderly, 
accurate, reliable, fast, and regular in attendance. At 
the end of this complete survey, he must admit, even 
though reluctantly, that, after all, the man has his good 
points. On the other hand, he may be compelled to admit 
that another subordinate for whom he has a distinct lik- 
ing because of his amiable manner and ready wit, is lazy, 
slow, and unreliable, and not at all the man he had been 
impressed with. 

Moreover, the fact that these opinions must be re- 
corded and signed will do much to reduce the degree of 
prejudice expressed. The appraiser will be conscious of 
the fact that, in expressing his judgment, he is putting 
himself, as well as his subordinates, on record and that 
any mistake or exaggeration on his part may rebound to 
his own discomfiture. Again, the fact that the estimates 
are made at stated periods will also lessen the degree of 
prejudice expressed. One of the most fruitful sources of 
prejudice is ill-temper. Ill- temper may be induced by 
any number of causes, but its inevitable result is to pro- 
duce a prejudice against anything or anybody it comes in 
contact with. In such moments, it is very easy to conceive 
an opinion of a person which is quite likely to result in an 
extremely unfavorable estimate. However, a comparison 
with estimates of that person made in previous, calmer 



22'^ EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

momentSj may do much to counteract this hastiness and 
to promote a more just result. The same check will 
operate on opinions that are suddenly inclined to become 
too favorable. 

On the whole, then, it may be accepted that the impres- 
sionistic method as outlined, while not free from the errors 
of the personal equation, is nevertheless free from these 
errors in their extremer forms. To recapitulate briefly, 
the liability of error is lessened for the following reasons: 

I. Because a periodic rather than a sporadic expression 
of opinion is required. 2. Because opinions are limited 
to a fixed number of qualities. 3. Because those qualities 
are defined in the same way for all. 4. Because it becomes 
necessary for the appraiser to check off the various quali- 
ties against each other, thus producing a balanced result. 
5. Because the judgment goes on record for or against 
the man who makes it. 6. Because the judgment of one 
appraiser will serve as a check against that of another. 

Like the method of comparative productiveness, the 
method described has two general applications, the sta- 
tistical and the corrective. In the first place, it offers a 
basis upon which to compute the degree of correlation 
between selection and retention. Unless such a record 
is kept, it can not be ascertained with any degree of cer- 
tainty how successful the selections of the employment 
manager are. As has been repeatedly pointed out, the 
dismissal, resignation, or transfer of an employee is by no 
means a proof that he was poorly selected. Unless some 
other criterion of success exists, these incidents may be 
attributed to a hundred different reasons. The record il- 
lustrated will furnish at least an approximate means for 
judging the success of selections, — or, it maybe, forjudging 
the success of the supervisor in handling his subordinates. 



MEASURING BY LIMITED IMPRESSIONS ^^^ 

In the second place, it will serve as a basis for corrective 
measures. In general, all promotions, changes in salary, 
demotions, dismissals, transfers, etc., ought to be made 
with reference to this record. As in the case of the record 
of productiveness, this record will serve as a guide to the 
employment manager, enabling him to exercise greater 
intelligence and wisdom in the conduct of his employment 
work. It will also furnish him with a definite check against 
the supervisors and foremen who wish to release old 
workers and secure new ones. 

In making changes in an employee's status, these rec- 
ords will be very useful. Different positions require 
different qualifications, and although, as has been pointed 
out, there is the utmost confusion and overlapping in 
formulating these qualities, still they may, in a rough way, 
be determined and made use of. The work of a planning 
supervisor requires a high degree of originality and initia- 
tive; that of a preparation supervisor a high degree of 
industry, etc. If these qualities are definitely recorded, 
changes in the status of employees will be made much 
more intelligent. 

After this chapter had been written, a striking co- 
incidence was discovered in the form given on page 334. 
This form has been in use in one of the larger educational 
institutions of the East for many years and has proved 
of great value. It will be seen that the qualities enumer- 
ated have a remarkable correspondence with those out- 
lined. However, instead of four grades there are Hvt. 
Moreover, this form provides for ratings at only two 
periods; namely, a "first impression** and a "second 
impression". The first impression is recorded when the 
student enters, the second when he is about to leave. 
Provision is made for separate ratings by different in- 



334 



EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 



PFRSONALITY RECORD 



FIRST IMPRESSIONS 


ATTRJBUTES 


SECOND IMPRESSIONS | 


al 6 i c 


d\e\f ^OTAL 


a 


b\c 


d 


e 


f 


TOTAL 
















y'enul CaUbre 
InteUigence, "Head" 






























ilaturity, Common Sense, 
Juigmcnt. Tact 






























Earnestness, Industrv, 
Seriousness of Purpose 






























ReUabilitr, DependabiHty, 
Deportment. Co-operation 






























Alertness , Resourcefulness , 
Initiative, "On the Job" 






























"Push", Energy, 
Vigor, Vim, "Pep" 






























Leadership, Executive 
Ability, Efficiency 






























Accuracy, Neatness, 
Skill, Dexterity 






























Address, Manner, 
Appearance 






























General Education, 
Cultr.re, Pwe£nement 






























Capacity for Growth 






























Fitness for JUne of 
Work Chosen 

















PICTURE 



MEA'NING OF GRADES 

1 Exnptiotiallj Poor 

2 Jf otioeablj Bdow Avenge 

3 Avenige Fiir, BatisIviOTT 

4 Xoticeablf Above Avenge 

5 Exceptionally Good 
KEY TO INSTRUCTORS 

a Major Clau Boom Subject 

6 Uboratorj Work 
c Dnirlsg or Design 
d Hathem^tica 

e Shop Work 

/ Minor Cla£e Boom. Sabjeot 



structors. Each instructor makes his rating independ- 
ently, and the results are then entered under a^ h^ Cy 
^i ^3 /? ^^d totaled. This record and the student's 
marks in his class-room work, which may be called his 
record of comparative productiveness, are combined in 
a single record to which is added the history of the 
progress of that individual after he leaves college. 

There are many similar methods in use to-day in all 
kinds of industrial, educational, and other social institu- 
tions. Wherever the progress of individuals is a matter 
of serious concern, some similar record is essential. No 
absolute uniformity for this procedure can be prescribed 
other than that contained in the general rules laid down 
here. In fact, one of the chief virtues of this method 
is its elasticity. 

In justice to the methods of psychology, it must be 
stated that the above analysis can hardly be classed as 
technical psychology. The psychological method, it is 
apparent by now, tries to substitute for the crude and 
biased judgments of the human mind an exact and im- 



I 



MEASURING BY LIMITED IMPRESSIONS 335 

personal system of measures. The method of limited 
impressions described, although it uses figures, can not 
by any stretch of imagination be called impersonal or 
scientific. It is still largely subject to the variables in 
the human equation. Nevertheless, it is a practical, 
common-sense device by which these probable errors will 
be radically decreased. 



PART IV 
CONCLUSIONS 



PART IV 
CONCLUSIONS 

The inevitable conclusion to the material which has 
been presented in the preceding chapters is a summary 
which will present briefly, and without theory, the man- 
ner in which this material can be put into actual practice. 
Therefore, under the heading: "A Practical Combination 
of Employment Methods ", the results of this study have 
been compressed into a concrete plan of procedure which 
can serve as a guide to the employment manager who 
wishes to apply them. 

It has also been deemed necessary to discuss in a spe- 
cial chapter the applicant's point of view. The machin- 
ery of selection and retention would be crude and clumsy 
indeed if it were not devised with this point of view be- 
fore it. 

In conclusion, it is sought to give employment psychol- 
ogy its proper perspective through a consideration of its 
relation to the general interests of industry and labor. 
And so the definition of employment psychology with 
which we set out will once more be presented, this time 
in the more comprehensive terms which the body of the 
book has made possible. 



339 



XXIV 

A PRACTICAL COMBINATION OF 
EMPLOYMENT METHODS 

The various phases of employment have now been 
discussed separately. None of these phases, taken in 
itself, constitutes a solution of the problem of em- 
ployment. Nor can any one of these aspects be prop- 
erly understood until it is related to the employment 
process as a whole. The question which is undoubtedly 
uppermost in the mind of practical employment experts 
at this point is: How can the various phases of employ- 
ment which have here been discussed be combined into 
a single and complete process which shall be practicable 
for the ordinary employment office? The answer to this 
question will be based largely upon the actual experience 
of the writer and his associates in applying the expedients 
and methods which have here been described. With one 
or two exceptions, all of the methods discussed have been 
applied in the selection of applicants and the exact pro- 
cedure governing their application has been carefully 
worked out. 

In every employment process, beginning with an appli- 
cant's appearance, one step follows another in a fairly 
definite order, until, finally, the applicant is either en- 
gaged or rejected. Therefore, in order to present the 
combination of employment methods as clearly and as 
practically as possible, it is desirable to consider each 

340 



A PRACTICAL COMBINATION OF EMPLOYMENT METHODS 34I 

Step in chronological order, in the exact manner in which 
it would occur in actual practice. When an applicant 
appears for an interview, observation is inevitably the 
first step. It matters little whether the candidate makes 
his first appearance before the door attendant, the em- 
ployment interviewer, or the employment manager. In 
each case the first act is to glance at the individual, make 
a general estimate of his appearance, and then make a 
mental reservation as to the general kind of work for 
which he will apply. In large organizations it is frequently 
desirable to make a rough classification of applicants as 
they enter, largely for convenience in handling the vari- 
ous types of applicants. Obviously, the preliminary 
classification will depend entirely upon the nature and 
size of an organization, the variety of its workers, and 
other local factors. The initial division, which is fre- 
quently made by a door attendant or high-class clerk, 
greatly facilitates the subsequent task of taking appli- 
cations and holding interviews. A large manufacturing 
concern, for instance, may wish to divide its applicants 
into four groups, those applying for office or sales 
work, unskilled laborers, semi-skilled workers, and, finally, 
highly skilled workers such as tool makers, electricians, 
carpenters, and all such as have a distinct craft or trade. 
Laborers and semi-skilled workers are often unable to 
talk English fluently, or indeed at all, and it is therefore 
desirable to have an interviewer who can understand 
several languages and also a clerk who can make out 
application blanks for those who can not write; whereas, 
office workers and the more highly skilled workers will 
naturally be able to make out their own application 
blanks and will have to be interviewed much more care- 
fully than those in the other two classes. 



342 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

When the applicant has been admitted into the waiting 
room reserved for that particular purpose, the next step 
is to take his name and address, and to look up his pre- 
vious record with the concern. Whether the applicant 
admits having worked with the company or not, it is still 
advisable to take this step. If the applicant is a former 
employee, and if the industry has kept a faithful and 
systematic record of all its employees, this one step will 
greatly simplify all subsequent steps in the employment 
procedure. If such a record as the individual activity rec- 
ord described in Chapters XXII and XXIII has been 
maintained, it will be possible to tell at a glance when and 
where the applicant has previously worked, the kind of 
work he was engaged in, his earnings at that work, how 
these earnings compared with the earnings of his fellow 
workers, his average attendance, the reasons for his leav- 
ing, his special qualifications or shortcomings, and finally, 
the foreman*s opinion of him. Any one of these items may 
be sufficient to decide whether or not the applicant shall 
be rehired. The opinion of the foreman is a particularly 
potent factor, for no matter how desirable a man may be 
in certain other respects, if the foreman or supervisor 
has a distinct antipathy or dislike for a worker, it may be 
inexpedient to place that worker under him. To be sure, 
a foreman who manifests such an antipathy too frequently 
in the face of an objective record to the contrary will 
soon draw suspicion upon himself and upon the validity 
of his judgments of human nature. A record of this kind 
works both ways. For the moment, however, while the 
applicant is applying for the return of his old job, this 
record would apply only to him. In addition to a record 
of this kind, it is also possible to make use of the records 
of the physical examination, the psychological examina- 



A PRACTICAL COMBINATION OF EMPLOYMENT METHODS 343 

tiorij the previous interview, and, in fact, of any action 
or correspondence which may have taken place at some 
previous time regarding the present applicant. In men- 
tioning all these factors at this point, we presuppose, of 
course, that the various phases of the employment proc- 
ess which are to be discussed here shall already have 
been in use, and that therefore the resulting records are 
available whenever a former employee returns to seek 
reemployment. The value of such records can not be 
overemphasized. 

If the applicant has no previous record with the com- 
pany in which he is applying for work, the next step is to 
have him make out an application blank which will pro- 
vide some of the information necessary as a basis for the 
subsequent interview. The writer is not so bold as to 
offer the ideal application blank. There is no one appli- 
cation form which will answer all purposes. Every in- 
dustry or commercial organization has its own particular 
needs and peculiarities and will design its application 
blank accordingly. Nevertheless, certain items can be 
enumerated as being almost indispensable on any appli- 
cation form. Among these are: name, address, age, 
family circumstances, nationality, general education, 
special education, history of employment in the past, 
special experience, references, kind of work desired, spe- 
cial qualifications for such work, and so forth. 

When the application blank has been filled out it should 
be passed over to the person who is to conduct the inter- 
view. Or, if the applicant is a former employee, his rec- 
ord as an employee and his original application should 
be placed in the hands of the interviewer in order to make 
the best possible use of this information. To obtain a 
cue from which to start the interview, the interviewer's 



344 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

first Step will probably be to find out, either by looking 
at the application blank or by asking the applicant, what 
kind of work he is seeking. If the applicant is seeking 
reemployment in the same capacity in which he served 
at some previous time, the interviewer's next step will 
be to find out by referring to the candidate's record what 
his success in that capacity has been. If the candidate's 
record is one of success, it will be logical to infer that he 
can succeed at the same job again. If his record is one 
of failure, it will be necessary to carry the interview fur- 
ther in order to discover the reasons for the failure and 
whether these reasons have been overcome. For instance, 
a former employee, working in the capacity of a drafts- 
man, may have failed because his training had not been 
sufficiently thorough to fit him for that work. After leav- 
ing his position, he may have taken a correspondence 
or night-school course in drafting which would now fit 
him to follow such work with increased possibilities of 
success, and it may therefore be advisable to reemploy 
him in the capacity in which he originally failed. On 
the other hand, if his experience in the intervening time 
has not been such as to contribute to his development, 
it would be unwise to hire him for the same kind of work 
unless it be in the capacity of a learner or an apprentice. 
The possible variations of this situation are infinite and 
must all be settled largely upon the basis of the candidate's 
record. However, where this record is lacking, or where 
it is ambiguous and unreliable, or where the immediate 
circumstances are such as to raise any question, the fol- 
lowing rule may be laid down as the safest guide: When- 
ever any doubt arises about the status of an applicant 
formerly employed, always examine the applicant in the 
same thorough fashion in which an applicant about whose 



A PRACTICAL COMBINATION OF EMPLOYMENT METHODS 345 

previous record nothing whatsoever is known would be 
examined. 

Coming now to the consideration of new applicants, 
the first step once more is to ascertain what kind of work 
the applicant desires. This single factor is the one most 
important item about any application, whether of a new 
or former employee. It may be accepted as almost a 
psychological axiom that the likes and dislikes of every 
applicant should be given the most serious attention. 
Obviously, however, the employment office can not be 
governed entirely by the applicant's preferences and it 
will therefore always be necessary to examine the nature 
of this preference with a view of determining its validity 
and significance. All preferences may, for this purpose, 
be divided into three or four kinds: First, there is the 
preference which may be described as fixed by training. 
This is the preference of the skilled workman for the 
trade in which he has been trained. The carpenter, for 
instance, prefers to work at the carpenter's trade and at 
no other. This is a natural and well-founded preference, 
and one which it would be unwise from every viewpoint 
to disregard. Secondly, there is the preference fixed by 
chance; that is, the preference of an untrained worker for 
some particular kind of work for which he has in some 
way or other conceived a strong liking. There may be no 
logical ground whatsoever for this preference, and the 
applicant may be neither trained nor naturally fitted for 
the work he prefers. Nevertheless, if the preference is 
strong enough to withstand all arguments, it is inadvisable 
to force the applicant into work of another kind. Thirdly, 
there is what may be called the derived preference. When 
an applicant prefers a certain kind of work because he 
has heard pleasant things about it, or because it pays 



346 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

well, or because it promises to allow him to be near his 
friends, his preference for that work may be called a de- 
rived preference. Such a preference may usually be modi- 
fied during the course of an employment interview. If 
not, it belongs in the group of fixed preferences. Finally, 
there are many applicants who have very little choice or 
none at all. These applicants are willing to take almost 
any job, at a reasonable rate, which the employment 
office can give them. 

The first step in every interview should be to ascertain 
the nature of the applicant's preference and to which 
of these classes it belongs. When this has been done, 
the subsequent steps can be guided accordingly. We 
shall take up each one of these possibilities separately, 
since in each case the plan of procedure involves funda- 
mental variations. In a case of the first kind, where the 
applicant's preference has been fixed by previous training, 
the procedure is a straightforward one of discovering 
how much the applicant knows about his trade and how 
well he is fitted for the work which the employment office 
has at its disposal. In discovering these facts, the inter- 
viewer will, unless he is very familiar with the work in 
question, first look up the description which has been 
furnished by the job analysis. He will then compare the 
candidate's application blank with the job description to 
discover whether the applicant has the requisite experi- 
ence, age, education, and so forth, required by the partic- 
ular job. If the information on the application blank is 
satisfactory, the next step is to conduct tests which shall 
reveal how thorough and extensive the education, experi- 
ence, and ability of the applicant really are. Obviously, 
it is one thing to claim certain things on an application 
blank or in an interview and another to be in possession 



A PRACTICAL COMBINATION OF EMPLOYMENT METHODS 347 

of the ability which these claims signify. The application 
blank and the ordinary series of questions may reveal 
what the education and experience of an individual have 
been, but they do not show how well the individual has 
made use of his opportunities or what are his actual abili- 
ties at the time of the interview. A machinist, for instance, 
may state to the interviewer that he has had three years 
of experience at one place and four years at another, and 
has worked on all kinds of machine tools, from drawings 
and without supervision. These claims are good so far 
as they go, but still they do not enable the interviewer to 
conclude that the applicant is a first-rate mechanic worth 
so many cents per hour. Even if the candidate holds a 
certificate from a reputable apprentice school, his ability 
is still largely a matter of doubt; for few apprentice schools 
are able to guarantee that all their graduates are experts. 
The next step, therefore, in determining the ability of 
the applicant is to ask him the test questions prepared, 
together with the possible answers, for this very purpose. 
Questions of this kind, applying to the work of machin- 
ists, gunsmiths, designers of jigs and fixtures, accountants, 
etc., are given in other chapters and in the Appendix. 
These question series can be given by the ordinary inter- 
viewer who can determine approximately, by means of 
an accompanying key, whether or not the applicant is 
giving the proper answers. If the answers given are 
entirely wrong or very crude, it may be assumed that 
the applicant does not know as much as he has claimed 
to know and he may therefore be rejected. If his an- 
swers are good or even fairly good, he will be interviewed 
further. 

Up to this point it is possible for the ordinary employ- 
ment clerk to conduct the interview, but thereafter the 



.OYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

psychologist or the trained interviewer must continue the 
process. When, by a series of test questions, it has been 
discovered that the applicant has a general knowledge 
of the work in question, the psychologist will give him a 
series of standard tests, such as is given to all other appli- 
cants for that work, in order to discover more closely 
what the applicant's ability really is. These tests will 
be based upon the actual work of the position in question. 
In the case of the mechanical trades, applicants are first 
shown an assortment of odd tools, and asked to point out 
those which are used in their trade. Then, as a more 
refined test, they are given a series of hypothetical tasks 
and asked to point out the tools which would be used in 
the performance of each task. As a still further test, a 
set of typical drawings is displayed, and the applicant 
asked to point out the work which each drawing calls for. 
A tool maker or machinist, for instance, may be shown a 
series of blueprints representing operations of the various 
machine tools, and he may be asked to state, in each 
case, which of the machines would be involved in perform- 
ing the work called for by each of the drawings. This is 
a very simple test but one which reveals a great deal 
about a man*s ability. Finally, the applicant may be 
requested to give a demonstration of his knowledge by 
performing some actual work on tasks assigned by the 
interviewer. The draftsman may be asked to do some 
lettering, to make a sketch, to design a fixture, or to work 
out a gauge. The machinist may be given a task on a 
machine which will involve certain essential operations. 
The stenographer is tried out on some actual dictation 
and typing. The accountant will be -given some entries 
to make, etc., etc. 

Several objections are likely to be raised at this point. 



I 



A PRACTICAL COMBINATION OF EMPLOYMENT METHODS 349 

First, it may be asserted that the tests mentioned are 
not psychological tests at all and need not be given 
by a psychologist. In so far as psychology is considered 
as something apart from actual work, the tests are not 
psychological. However, if they have been worked out 
by means of the careful technique and experimentation 
peculiar to the psychological method, they are very dis- 
tinctly psychological, and unless they have been worked 
out in this careful fashion, they will represent only an- 
other wrinkle of the human equation. It is also true 
that tests need not be given by the psychologist, but may 
be given by a technical expert. However, before the 
technical expert can give these tests with any degree of 
uniformity and accuracy, they must be properly formu- 
lated and standardized, and this is exactly the work which 
only the psychologist is able to do. In fact, one of the 
great virtues of the psychological method, as has already 
been stated, is its ability to work out standard tests and 
standard directions for giving them in such a way that 
the actual giving of the tests and recording the results 
can be done by others who are less expert. The procedure 
of giving tests described in the Appendix is such that, 
under proper supervision, a high-school graduate of little 
more than ordinary intelligence can learn in about two 
weeks how to give and correct the tests. There were fre- 
quent changes in the staff of examiners giving these tests, 
but the uniformity of the tests themselves, the directions, 
and the method of computing the results preserved the 
process of selection against all changes in personnel. 

It may also be objected that the interview described 
is entirely too long and too intricate for ordinary prac- 
tice. The ordinary practice, however, is something which 
most employers wish to get rid of, because qualified 



350 



EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 






and unqualified workers slip through it as easily and indis- 
criminately as water through a sieve. In order to make 
a more careful selection and grading of applicants than 
is now being made, the addition of half an hour or more 
to the interview of supposedly skilled workers will be 
fully justified, particularly when it is remembered how 
much time misfits cost once they have been hired and 
lost sight of. Moreover, now that so many unskilled 
workers and semi-skilled workers are being given a slight 
training in some one of the skilled operations, all the 
more care will have to be exercised to discriminate be- 
tween those who are really skilled and those who, on the 
basis of a superficial training, claim that they are skilled. 
We now come to those applicants who, possessing 
neither training nor experience, still prefer a definite job 
which requires these qualifications to a greater or lesser 
degree. There is an amazing number of workers who fall 
under this class; for it includes not only those who have 
not yet learned a trade but also those who do not intend 
to learn a trade and who will be content to shift from place 
to place or job to job as circumstances dictate. We have 
divided this large group into two classes, those who have 
a fixed preference for a certain kind of work and those 
who have an accidental or derived preference which is 
subject to modification. In each case, the wishes of the 
applicants should be given every consideration, and they 
should be tested for the work which they desire. The 
nature of the tests, however, must be quite different; 
for these applicants do not claim to have the particular 
skill or training which is required by the work for which 
they are applying. The tests musf therefore be such as 
to discover the applicant's potential skilly his innate abil- 
ity, and his general experience and general intelligence. 



A PRACTICAL COMBINATION OF EMPLOYMENT METHODS 35I 

Examples of such tests and the situations in which they 
may be given have already been discussed in the chapter 
on the vocational value of tests. When, for instance, a 
man applies for the work of assembling, work which may 
be learned by a man or woman who has had no experience 
at assembling whatsoever, it is nevertheless desirable to 
know whether the applicant possesses the necessary man- 
ual dexterity, and that degree of mechanical ingenuity 
which goes far in enabling a novice to become an expert. 
The same thing applies to the work of clerks of many 
kinds, inspectors, automatic-machine operators, machine- 
tool specialists, salesmen and saleswomen, packers, and 
the unlimited number of workers who, without previous 
training, can acquire the necessary skill and experience 
in a comparatively short time. Even the untrained 
worker who applies for a position as helper or apprentice 
in which he will have to serve years as a learner, can be 
selected more intelligently by the application of the appro- 
priate tests, as has been shown in the chapter on tests 
for apprentices. When an applicant's preference is fixed 
so that he will take only the one kind of work, there is 
no course left but to reject him if his record in the tests 
is decisively below the standard. However, if his record 
is quite close to standard, it is advisable, provided there 
are no other hindrances, that the applicant be recom- 
mended for a trial; for it frequently happens that genuine 
determination on the part of a worker will enable him to 
overcome very substantial initial handicaps. On the 
other hand, when the preferences of a worker are not 
absolutely fixed and he fails in the tests for a certain 
kind of work, it is well to give him some further tests 
in order to discover, if possible, another kind of work 
for which he is suited. It frequently happens that appli- 



2^2 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

cants of this sort ask for a certain kind of work only be- 
cause they have heard good things about it, because they 
expect to make high wages at it, or because it is clean and 
light. Under present conditions in the industrial world, 
an extremely large proportion of applicants are of this 
very kind. However, when such applicants are refused 
the work for which they apply and it is explained to them 
that their qualifications are such as to make them less 
fitted for this kind of work than for some other kind, 
they can frequently be induced to accept the alternative 
which is offered them. Such a modification of their origi- 
nal preference is justified and indeed highly desirable 
because it will further not only the interests of the organ- 
ization but the interests of the individual as well. And 
certainly a developed technique of selection which can 
not advise and direct applicants in their choice of work 
with more than average luck or certainty falls far short 
of its opportunities and obligations in this respect. 

Finally, there is the large number of applicants who 
have no preference whatsoever, or at best, only the most 
vague and general desires. Their sole object is to get a 
job at anything which promises them a decent living. 
Such applicants are largely at the mercy of the employ- 
ment ofiice. There has been, in fact, too strong an in- 
clination on the part of interviewers to take advantage 
of such applicants by using them as stop-gaps by pushing 
them into whatever kind of work is most in need of men 
at the particular moment. The interviewer or employ- 
ment clerk, with a large number of orders for workers to 
fill, places willing applicants only too readily in those 
positions which are most in need, regardless of whether 
the applicants are particularly fitted for those positions 
or not. This is a situation which every employment 



A PRACTICAL COMBINATION OF EMPLOYMENT METHODS 353 

manager will recognize and at the same time deplore. 
Such applicants should be handled by interviewers as 
material of the utmost value, since their freedom from 
any original preference allows a wide range in deciding 
where they will fit best. After the application blanks of 
these candidates have been carefully examined to deter- 
mine so far as possible their preliminary experience and 
training, some limitations can immediately be made re- 
garding the general field of work for which each is fitted. 
It now behooves the psychologist to bring into play a 
series of leading tests which will enable him to tell still 
more definitely where the applicant will fit best. In one 
or two of these tests the applicant will undoubtedly be 
better than in the rest, and these, then, will furnish a 
clue as to what further direction the more specific tests 
shall take. For example, in the work upon which these 
chapters are based the undecided candidate was frequently 
given the leading tests for the work of inspecting, assem- 
bling, machine operating, and clerical work, and when it 
was apparent that the candidate excelled in one of these 
tests, the remaining tests for that specific work were 
given in order to determine more definitely still whether 
the applicant was fitted for this particular kind of work. 
Frequently, when newcomers applied for general clerical 
work they were given an arithmetical test, a filing test, 
a sorting test, and a posting or copying test in order to 
determine for what special kind of clerical work they 
should be further examined. This may seem like a long, 
expensive, and roundabout way to select applicants, but 
it is very much shorter and more direct than the ordinary, 
haphazard fashion of trying out an applicant for several 
days or even weeks at one kind of work after another 
until months elapse before the worker strikes his metier. 



354 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

When, finally, the psychologist or the expert inter- 
viewer has concluded his examination, he must express 
his conclusions in concrete and intelligible terms. It has 
been found possible, by means of the pro-rating formulae 
described in the Appendix, to express the results of cer- 
tain series of tests in terms of percentage. This is a very 
desirable method for several reasons: First, it is easily 
understood. Secondly, it enables the employment man- 
ager or whoever has the final decision in the matter to 
make a very close comparison between several individuals 
who are all applying for the same work at the same time. 
Other things being equal, the candidate rated ninety- 
four would naturally be given preference over the one 
rated eighty- two. Thirdly, it provides a standard basis 
upon which to set the initial salary at which the individual 
shall be employed. This point in itself is of vast impor- 
tance to the employer. There are, to be sure, maximum 
and minimum wages for certain classes of work, but it 
is extremely desirable to have some means by which the 
setting of these wage rates can be guided within these 
limits. At the present time, this matter is handled in 
much the same individualistic and haphazard manner in 
which selection is handled, with the result that all kinds 
of discrepancies and inconsistencies occur. The presence 
of a definite rating such as that mentioned and de- 
scribed in connection with the tests outlined in the 
Appendix furnishes exactly the concrete and impersonal 
basis needed to make an intelligent and fair decision re- 
garding the salary or rate at which the applicant should 
be started. A candidate who stands high will naturally 
be started at a salary approaching the maximum starting 
wage for that work, while one rated very low will be 
started near the minimum. The point in the scale of one 



A PRACTICAL COMBINATION OF EMPLOYMENT METHODS ^SS 

hundred which is to be considered the passing mark in 
the tests will be determined beforehand by means which 
have already been described in Part I. However, in ad- 
dition to stating merely the numerical results of a series 
of tests, it may be desirable to state explicitly whether 
or not the candidate is recommended for a certain job. 
Before the significance of the tests given in connection 
with this work was as well understood as became the case 
later on, it was the practice of the psychological examiners 
to express the results of an examination on the appli- 
cant's card in the following broad terms: Recommended 

for ^ or, not recommended for , 

or, recommended for a trial as . This, to 

be sure, is a somewhat crude expression of results, but 
where employment methods are also crude it has a cor- 
responding advantage. 

After the results of the examination have made it appar- 
ent that an applicant is to be hired, the next step is the 
physical examination. The importance and significance 
of this step have already been dwelt upon. The number 
of men who must be rejected on merely physical grounds 
is comparatively small, and for this reason, it is more 
economical to place this part of the employment proce- 
dure near the end of the process. 

When, finally, it has been decided to engage an appli- 
cant for a certain kind of work, the work of employment 
is by no means over. The introduction of the new em- 
ployee into his place of work and the process of seeing 
that he is made to feel at home in that place in the short- 
est possible time, is a very important part of the employ- 
ment process. Some organizations do this by means of 
a little folder which describes the customs and rules of 
the organization and the privileges which an employee 



356 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

enjoys. Others take each individual employee as he 
comes in and introduce him to his future supervisor, and 
make him feel generally welcome. These methods are 
desirable and helpful. However, by far the most funda- 
mental means of introduction is the vestibule or intro- 
ductory training school. Wherever possible, new workers 
should be introduced to their work through the mediation 
of experts and under conditions conducive to proper 
instruction. The nature of the vestibule school as a 
means of preparing new workers for the tasks to which 
they have been assigned has already been thoroughly 
discussed. Wherever there is a good-sized body of sales- 
men or saleswomen, office workers, machine operators, 
assemblers, textile workers, or workers of almost any 
kind engaged in similar work, a training school is practi- 
cable and advisable and new employees should be put 
through a period of conditioning. The modern industrial 
situation has demonstrated the importance of this item 
in employment work, and the lesson will never be for- 
gotten. 

All employment work is governed by a set of forms or 
blanks, the paper basis for all procedures. Such forms 
are quite essential for recording and controlling in a uni- 
form way each step in the employment process. It may 
seem desirable to give such a set of forms here as illus- 
trations of the steps which have been described; namely, 
the card for recording the results of the psychological 
tests (see Appendix); and the individual activity records 
(see Chapters XXII and XXIII). Besides these forms 
there will be necessary the application blank, the medical- 
examination record, the introduction slip, and the com- 
prehensive record which is kept permanently in the em- 
ployment files. The exact character of these records 



A PRACTICAL COMBINATION OF EMPLOYMENT METHODS 357 

depends upon such a wide range of factors that it is absurd 
to offer ideal forms at this point. Every industry has 
its peculiarities and its differences, and the details of 
its forms must be worked out with reference to them. The 
use of the individual-activity record has already been 
described. No employment process is complete unless 
it includes a thoroughgoing and systematic follow up of 
its results; and no such follow up is of more than inciden- 
tal value if it is not based upon a uniform and well-defined 
set of facts properly recorded on a standard form. Very 
few employment ofBces at the present time follow up the 
results of their selections. Once a man has been selected, 
their work is ended. Even if they desired to institute a 
follow up, it would be of little avail because the systematic 
record of those facts upon which a follow up must be 
based is lacking. Such a record must become the very 
foundation of all employment work, and the basis upon 
which the relative merits of the various phases of employ- 
ment shall be determined. 

The conduct of two additional phases of employment 
rests directly upon such a record; namely, the transfer of 
employees and the attempt to prevent old employees 
from leaving. To prevent old employees from leaving 
is distinctly an employment activity, even though it does 
seem to take place at the wrong end of the process. Enter- 
prising concerns are finding it much more profitable and 
satisfactory to expend energy on the retention of old 
employees than on the selection of new. In at least one 
company this activity has been carried so far that every 
foreman rushes to the employment manager as soon as a 
good man gives in his notice and the employment manager 
is compelled to make an attempt to stave off the em- 
ployee's leaving. Although obviously a very sensible 



358 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

procedure, it is evident that in order to carry it out intel- 
ligently, a past history of each employee must be kept 
so that the employment manager can, when the emergency 
arises, quickly and reliably learn about an employee's 
average earnings, attendance, general ability, and so 
forth. 

The problem of transfers is a comparatively recent and 
troublesome employment problem. Practically every 
transfer from one kind of work to another is a turnover, 
and is economically equivalent to the hiring of a new 
worker. Transfers are due to many causes beyond and 
within the scope of the employment function. However, 
transfers can not be made intelligently unless they are 
based upon a worker's past performance. In addition to 
this, every transfer should be regarded as a case of rehiring, 
and the individual should be as carefully examined for 
his new work as he originally was. This will to a large 
extent reduce the number of transfers and will help solve 
a problem which has been reaching alarming proportions. 

In summarizing thus the various phases of employment 
which have been previously taken up in detail, it has 
naturally been necessary to be somewhat sketchy. How- 
ever, the individual who has had any experience whatso- 
ever in employment work will recognize the significance 
of the procedure here outlined. Very little emphasis has 
been placed upon the observational method, because that 
method is so limited in its scope. Frequently, indeed, 
it fails even to enable the employment interviewer to 
distinguish between the unskilled laborer and the skilled 
operative; and as a basis for making the fine distinctions 
which are required by the division of labor to-day, it is 
entirely inadequate. As has been already pointed out, 
observation may tell us whether an applicant looks good 



A PRACTICAL COMBINATION OF EMPLOYMENT METHODS 359 

or bady but it can hardly tell us what he looks good or bad 
for. On the other hand, strong emphasis has been placed 
upon the value of questions in the employment proce- 
dure — not the ordinary stereotyped questions such as: 
Are you a steady worker? Why did you quit your last 
job? Did you like your last employer? etc., but relevant 
questions which will actually engage a man's knowledge 
and his ability, and, above all, questions which have been 
carefully worked out and formulated in accordance with 
the psychological procedure. Still greater emphasis has 
been placed upon the value of psychological tests where 
such tests have themselves been first tested by the thor- 
oughgoing procedure which has been again and again 
described in the course of the foregoing chapters. The 
method by which such tests are developed and applied 
makes them the most accurate and unambiguous criterion 
for selecting applicants which has yet been devised. Fi- 
nally, the verdict of the physical examination and the use 
of the individual-activity record as a basis of following up 
the results of selection have been enumerated in their due 
place and with due emphasis. 

All of these phases have been presented in such a man- 
ner as to suggest the division of functions which they 
necessitate. The medical examination, it is self-evident, 
requires the physician. The preliminary work of taking 
the applicant's application, inquiring as to the applicant's 
preference, and roughly comparing the applicant's super- 
ficial and observable characteristics with the require- 
ments of a certain job either as he knows those require- 
ments or finds them by reference to the job-analysis card, 
can be done by the ordinary employment clerk. The 
psychological examination requires the psychologist and, 
when the scope of the work makes it necessary, a staff of 



360 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

trained examiners working under his supervision. When 
the examination includes an actual demonstration of the 
work in question, a technical expert who has been familiar- 
ized with the psychological technique should be present. 
The ever ready cry that the combination of employ- 
ment methods here described is a process entirely too 
long and too costly can be met only by calling attention 
once more to the fact that it is far more economical and 
effective to spend time in selection at the very beginning, 
by means of a method developed for that very purpose, 
than it is to allow the actual selection to take place in the 
slow grinding wheels of an organization which is fitted 
primarily for production and not selection. Natural se- 
lection is a sure and an inexorable process, but it is far 
more drawn out and much more expensive than arti- 
ficial selection. 



XXV 

THE APPLICANT'S POINT OF VIEW 

No study of employment psychology would be complete 
without a discussion of the applicant's point of view. 
The consideration of this topic will be particularly apt 
at this time if, in the minds of some readers, the fore- 
going chapters have dealt with the applicant in a some- 
what artificial manner. It is very easy to talk about an 
applicant as though he were a mere bit of mechanism, an 
inanimate pawn in the game of industry. In order to 
counteract this tendency, let us imagine ourselves for the 
time being in the position of an applicant entering an 
employment office. Let us attempt to adopt the actual 
feelings and mental processes of the individual in search 
of a job. The question which now suggests itself is : What 
kind of applicant shall we be? Shall we apply as expert 
mechanics, draftsmen, or accountants, or shall we apply 
for the work of ordinary laborers, work which requires 
neither skill nor education ? Shall we apply as Americans, 
fluent in the English language and at home in American 
customs and manners, or shall we be Italian or Russian 
applicants, unable to speak any but the most broken 
English and still more helpless in writing the language? 
Shall we apply as men or as women ? Shall we be appli- 
cants for factory jobs or office positions? These questions 
could be continued indefinitely; but the few characters 

which we have suggested will indicate at once the com- 

361 



362 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

plexity of this problem, the hundreds of possible varieties 
of men and women, races and creeds, skill and awkward- 
ness, education and ignorance, trades and professions, 
represented at one time Ox* another among the seekers for 
work in an employment office. To place ourselves, there- 
fore, in the position of the typical applicant, and to ac- 
quire his point of view, is a most complicated problem. 
For instead of one applicant with one point of view, we 
find a heterogeneous mass of applicants with a heteroge- 
neous mixture of points of view. In short, there is no 
typical applicant. 

However, it may be possible for us to overlook, for the 
time being, these innumerable divergencies, and think 
only of those fundamental characteristics which are com- 
mon to all applicants. No doubt, there are such constant 
factors. We admit it in our use of the phrase human 
nature; for what is human nature but certain basic emo- 
tions, desires, or instincts which are present in all individ- 
uals? Now, if we attempt to arrive at these fundamental 
forces, in so far as they are characteristic of the human 
individual in search of work, we may not discover them 
all or be infallible in those which we do find. Neverthe- 
less, such an attempt will contribute something to our 
success in adopting the applicant's point of view, and 
modifying the process of employment accordingly. 

One of the most obvious qualities of human nature 
inherent in the applicant is the desire for a square deal. 
The opportunities which the employment office has of 
exercising or ignoring fair play are innumerable. For 
instance, when a number of applicants enter an employ- 
ment office, it usually takes some time to interview them 
all and, unless particular care is exercised, some who ar- 
rive first will be interviewed last and some who arrive 



I 



THE applicant's POINT OF VIEW ^^^ 

last will be interviewed first. This may seem like a very 
trival matter, but it is really one of the utmost importance 
to the applicant; for a late comer who gets ahead of him 
may receive the very job which he himself might have re- 
ceived. To be compelled to lose an opportunity for work in 
this way can not but strike him as being essentially unfair. 
Even when a candidate who has suffered such an inci- 
dent does receive a job, he does not forget the bit of unfair- 
ness which accompanied it. In fact, the degree of impartial- 
ity and fairness which an employment office exercises in the 
selection of its workers may be symbolical to the appli- 
cant of the character of the entire organization, and may 
color all his subsequent ideas of that organization. It 
therefore behooves the employment office to be impartial 
in its dealings even in a matter apparently so trivial as 
taking care to interview applicants in their proper order. 
In some places applicants are given numbered slips as 
they enter the employment office so that their sequence 
may be more carefully observed. A simple measure like 
this, particularly in places where the daily number of 
applicants is large, is a very genuine recognition and ac- 
knowledgment of the applicant's point of view. 

A second fundamental characteristic of all applicants 
is their self-esteem. Any attempt to adopt the applicant's 
point of view must reckon with this force. From the 
most superior to the most ordinary candidate, self-esteem 
is a pivot point around which many actions and attitudes 
revolve. To show how this force may come into play 
during the course of employment interviews, we may take, 
as an illustration, the adequacy of the service. Some 
employment offices are almost always empty and all new- 
comers are disposed of with the utmost dispatch. Other 
offices are always crowded with applicants, and it fre- 



364 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

quently happens that the individual must wait hours and 
sometimes even days, before his turn comes. Now the 
length of time which an applicant is willing to spend in 
the waiting room of an employment office is roughly pro- 
portionate to his degree of self-esteem. A man who places 
a high estimate on his value will not spend as much time 
in waiting as a man who does not. An expert electrician, 
for instance, is not likely to spend three hours or half a 
day simply waiting for an interview. He is too well 
aware of the fact that in the same amount of time he can 
probably find a position elsewhere. And even when the 
labor situation is such as to enable employers to enforce 
long waits upon applicants the injury done their self-es- 
teem will rebound sooner or later to the disadvantage of 
the employer. 

Another way in which the quality of self-esteem mani- 
fests itself is in respect to courtesy. Courtesy may be 
defined as the active acknowledgment of the other man*s 
point of view. To treat an applicant discourteously is to 
ignore his point of view and to administer a violent blow 
to his self-esteem. There are myriad ways in which cour- 
tesy may manifest itself during the course of the employ- 
ment process. From the very arrival of the candidate at 
the doors of the employment office to the time when his 
application is rejected or accepted, there is opportunity 
after opportunity for the exercise of considerateness. 
The fact that the applicant is, for the time being, more 
or less at the mercy of the employment interviewers 
sometimes promotes in the latter a tendency to be sharp 
in their questions and abrupt in their replies. This has 
a decidedly bad effect upon applicants, making them 
either very nervous or indignant. 

Finally, it must be recognized that the most funda- 



THE applicant's POINT OF VIEW 2^5 

mental of all factors which go to make up the applicant's 
point of view is his self-interest. The very fact that he 
is applying for a position is an indication of this fact. 
The prospective employee is anxious to improve his con- 
dition, either economically or socially. In order to deal 
successfully with him, the employer must recognize this 
fact. It is altogether too easy to overlook it, for the em- 
ployer has his own interests to conserve, and sometimes 
these interests conflict with those of the applicant. How- 
ever, it may be stated as almost axiomatic that the 
employer who can ascertain the interests of applicants 
and identify those interests with his own program is 
making the most profitable arrangement from every con- 
ceivable point of view. As a concrete example of the 
application of this attitude the following incident will 
serve. A young musician of great promise was introduced 
to the employment manager of a big corporation. This 
young man was anxious to obtain work and was willing 
to begin at almost any kind of work. At the time the 
greatest demand was for automatic-machine work, and 
the obvious course of the employment manager was to 
hire this applicant for such work, particularly since he 
was capable of doing it and had himself expressed a will- 
ingness to do machine work. However, the employment 
manager had, in the course of the interview, discovered 
that the young man was a musician who already depended 
in part for his livelihood upon the use of his hands, and as 
a result he flatly refused to give the applicant such work. 
"It is part of my business," he remarked, "to protect 
the interests of our employees even when they do not 
recognize those interests themselves. Sooner or later 
they will recognize them, and we shall either be blamed 
or praised. Now, if you were to lose a hand, or a finger. 



366 



EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 



or even one flange of one finger, it would ruin your pos- 
sibilities as a musician and undo the work of years spent 
in training.'* Instead of allowing the young man to take 
a chance, therefore, he exerted himself to find a position 
in which this danger was absent. Now, in a less obvious 
way, every case of employment involves a determination 
of the applicant's self-interest. The whole aim of selection 
is to select the right man for the right place, and naturally, 
no man is in the right place until his own interests as 
well as the interests of his employer are being furthered. 

These elements of an applicant's point of view are fun- 
damental and are common to all normal applicants. It 
does not require a psychologist to see them or to acknowl- 
edge their truth, any more than it requires a mathema- 
tician to see that things equal to the same thing are equal 
to each other, or that 2 plus 2 equals 4. However, though 
any man may recognize self-esteem and self-interest as 
fundamental factors in the human equation it by no 
means follows that this knowledge enables him to under- 
stand the particular individual or to achieve the individ- 
ual's point of view. Just as the knowledge of the axioms 
is only the first step in becoming a mathematician, so 
the knowledge of these fundamental facts of human 
nature is only a beginner's step in becoming a master of 
the human equation. In order to approximate the view- 
point of the particular applicant it is essential to make a 
much more thorough and painstaking study of human 
nature. It is necessary to study human equations as 
systematically and scientifically as the mathematician 
studies the many kinds of mathematical equations. For 
there is an endless number and variety of human equa- 
tions or viewpoints, as we saw when we tried to imagine 
ourselves in the position of an applicant and could not 



I 



THE applicant's POINT OF VIEW 367 

decide which applicant he should be. On the basis of such 
a study a technique must be built up which will thereafter 
serve as a guide in obtaining the viewpoint of particular 
individuals, and which will reduce the effects of the prej- 
udices and notions to which every human being natu- 
rally yields when he tries to put himself in the place of 
another. 

This problem can once more be resolved Into the terms 
of our introductory chapter; namely, the difference be- 
tween home remedies and the scientific method. The 
various acts of imagination and guesswork by which we 
believe that we can adopt the viewpoint of another may 
be classed as home remedies. They may answer up to a 
certain point or as long as the consequences are not Im- 
portant. They are, however, much too full of the beliefs, 
traditions, and prejudices which beset every human being. 
They put the individual whose viewpoint is being sought 
entirely too much at the mercy of the individual who is 
trying to obtain that viewpoint. The scientific method, 
on the other hand, makes a much more fundamental 
survey of the human mind, and develops certain imper- 
sonal guides and standards by which to arrive at individual 
viewpoints. And although It begins with the psychological 
axioms that self-esteem and self-interest are common 
elements in the viewpoint of every individual, it is con- 
cerned more largely with the means by which to under- 
stand the great variety of ways in which these fundamental 
elements express themselves in different individuals. 

Employment psychology In its entirety, therefore. Is a 
scientific attempt to attain the applicant's viewpoint and 
to understand and satisfy his self-esteem and self-interest. 
The reason for devoting a single chapter to the subject 
is only to call attention more vividly to the manner in 



368 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

which all phases of employment psychology contribute 
to the establishment of this fact. The first task of the 
psychologist, it has been seen, is to devise means which 
will enable him to assign the applicant to the work at 
which he can be most successful. Instead of relying upon 
the customary crude and unscientific assumptions about 
various types of people and various kinds of work, he 
makes a separate study of each kind of work together 
with the people who have failed or succeeded at that work. 
He engages in the work himself in order that some of its 
less obvious features may not escape him. When he has 
selected a group of tests which seem to apply to a partic- 
ular kind of work he does not assume their value but first 
tries them out on workers whose success or failure are 
established facts. Indeed the process of finding and apply- 
ing tests is based upon the closest and most continuous 
study of actual people actually at work. Experiment must 
follow experiment in order to obtain the means by which 
the applicant's abilities can best be determined. 

This applies not only to the use of the more strictly 
psychological tests but to other methods of interviewing 
an applicant as well. The ordinary and usual manner of 
observing and questioning a candidate reveals a decided 
inabihty to penetrate his particular mental state. In- 
stead of random observations it has been shown that 
observations based on a carefully mapped out plan and 
on actions relevant to the work in question will reveal 
much more of the candidate's state of mind. And it has 
also been seen that questions are not likely to discover 
the real interests and feelings of individuals, much less 
their knowledge, unless they are carefully worked out by 
means of the same experimental process as that which is 
applied to the development of significant tests. It has 



I 



THE applicant's POINT OF VIEW 369 

also been found that a physical examination, tactfully- 
conducted, will convince an applicant that he is dealing 
with a company which will protect his physical well-being. 
The period of training described and recommended for 
new workers is a deliberate attempt to obtain the individ- 
ual's viewpoint; for it provides a mechanism which 
makes it possible to observe the new worker under vary- 
ing conditions over a comparatively long period of time. 
One of the most interesting examples of the psycho- 
logical method and its appreciation of the individual's 
viewpoint is its technique of giving tests. It is generally 
recognized that candidates for employment are likely to 
be nervous and therefore unable to do themselves justice, 
either in the tests or in the oral interview. The psychologist 
not only admits this difficulty but he attempts to over- 
come it. In the first place, he leads the applicant into 
the fields of relevant activity; that is, he centers his ques- 
tions and tests upon those activities in which the appli- 
cant is most at home and therefore likeJy to be least 
nervous. When this is impracticable, shock absorbers are 
first given, tests which are particularly calculated, by 
their interest and simplicity, to absorb the excitement of 
the subject. This is but one of innumerable ways in 
which the technique of psychology shows its concrete 
appreciation of the subtleties of the human mind. To 
give but another instance, let us refer once more to the 
development of a set of directions for giving tests. In 
order to give a test so that it will be understood correctly 
it is essential to grasp something of the viewpoint of the 
applicant. The average individual would probably try 
to imagine himself in the position of the person taking 
the test and then give his directions accordingly. He 
might write his directions down or he might even trust 



370 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

to memory to help him remember them for the next occa- 
sion. The psychologist, as we have seen, may begin in 
the same way, by imagining a situation or a number of 
possible situations and then working out a set of directions 
for the test accordingly. However, once the work of his 
imagination is complete he may give these directions 
twenty or fifty different times and in the course of this 
work he may change the structure of a sentence at one 
time, the turn of a phrase at another, the position of a 
word, of a comma, or of an accent. He may make innu- 
merable changes before he arrives at a set of directions 
which meet, with a reasonable degree of success, the 
varying viewpoints and ideas of a large number of indi- 
viduals. In other words, he is not satisfied to obtain 
another's viewpoint by imagination or guesswork alone, 
but must try out his assumptions by means of careful 
experiments in order to find out how they work in actual 
practice. 

The recognition of self-esteem and self-interest and their 
corollaries, courtesy and fair play, is still further devel- 
oped in the individual-activity record. The fundamental 
qualities of the individual can not be properly gauged or 
recognized as long as the task is left to the uncertain and 
capricious judgment of ordinary human beings, whether 
they be gang bosses or general managers. The individual- 
activity record is largely an impersonal and objective 
record of the history of a worker. The items in this his- 
tory are various, but they all contribute to the estimate 
of the total value of that individual both in the eyes of 
his employer and in his own eyes. Where such a record 
is kept the worker who esteems himself and is confident 
in his abilities need not fear that some caprice on the part 
of his superior will be able to oust him from his position. 



II 



THE APPLICANT S POINT OF VIEW 37I 

He can be sure that no matter what difficulties arise, 
there is one source which is comparatively stable and free 
from the prejudices and excited judgments of a particular 
moment. 

The attempt to consider the work of individuals from 
the vocational standpoint may be regarded as a tremen- 
dous stride in the direction of realizing the applicant's 
point of view. A technique which promises to help the 
struggling candidate understand his own needs, limita- 
tions, and capacities will go far toward achieving the 
viewpoint of the applicant in a full measure. And in so 
far as the technique of psychology enables the worker 
who does not care to acquire a vocation to obtain work 
which will bring him the largest returns of which he is 
capable, the important factor, self-interest, will be largely 
met. 

Finally, and probably most important, is the fact that 
the entire process of employment outlined here is built 
up on an appreciation of the fundamental likes and dis- 
likes of the applicant. The individual's freedom of choice 
is the central fact in the structure. Any attempt to limit 
or to thwart this choice is a failure to credit the appli- 
cant's viewpoint. There are, to be sure, limitations to any 
applicant's choice, but they are the limitations imposed 
by the scope of a particular industry and not by the psy- 
chological method. An industry can not be expected to 
honor the choice of an applicant for a kind of work which it 
does not have. Moreover, there are times when the appli- 
cant's choice is only an impulse, not a deep-rooted desire, 
and in such cases the psychological examiner is at liberty 
to modify that choice as long as he does not do so contrary 
to the interests and abilities of the applicant. In develop- 
ing the mechanism to select applicants, the individual's 



372 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

viewpoint, his desires and aversions, has been the central 
and dynamic factor; and therefore, the superstructure of 
employment psychology, hke that of mathematics, rests 
upon a broad and substantial basis. 

Several objections are likely to be raised to what has 
here been described as a scientific and thoroughgoing 
method of obtaining the applicant's point of view in con- 
trast with the superficial individualistic and imaginative 
method. In the first place, it may be objected that the 
scientific method tends to reduce every variety of human 
being to a class or a type, and that, in doing this, it loses 
that very power of penetration and fine insight which 
belong naturally to the unfettered imagination. There 
is a certain degree of truth in this statement. The scien- 
tist does tend to classify individuals and reduce them 
to the level of types, and in doing this he loses sight of 
some of their finer individual differences. But the ordi- 
nary judge of human nature, the man who judges by intui- 
tion or insight or imagination, usually has just as strong 
a tendency to classify individuals and reduce them to 
types. The real difference is that he does not make his 
classifications consistently or systematically. His intui- 
tion or "hunch" may lead him to make one classification 
at one time and another at some other time. Consequently 
though he can always classify individuals somewhere, it is 
quite difficult to predict where he will classify them next. 
As a result of this indefiniteness he escapes the appearance 
of making any classification whatsoever. This method or 
rather lack of method has at least the merit of spontaneity, 
but it is somewhat unsatisfactory for practical purposes — 
especially in view of the fact that the classifications of 
two individuals are seldom likely to agree. The scien- 
tist differs from the individual who classifies by intuition 



THE APPLICANT S POINT OF VIEW 373 

or imagination not in the fact that he lacks these fine 
qualities, but in that he confines them to certain orderly 
channels. The scientist may exercise just as fine an in- 
sight and imagination in his dealings with people as the 
man who is not scientific, and yet he achieves results 
which are systematic and which lend themselves to a 
practical and relatively stable classification. The sci- 
entist is sometimes considered unimaginative simply be- 
cause imagination has come to be identified with a kind 
of glorified disorder. If to classify individuals is to for- 
feit insight into their nature, then the imaginative but 
unscientific mind is probably much the less penetrating 
of the two. For the chances are that the classifications of 
the scientist are far more subtle than the crude categories 
of the undisciplined imagination. 

Moreover, the attempt to get at the viewpoint of an 
individual by an act c^ the imagination has certain very 
serious limitations. Such an attempt results very often 
in a somewhat distorted view of oneself or in a fantastic 
mixture of oneself and the other individual. The belief 
that one can, at will, imagine oneself in the position af 
another and at the point of view of another is one of the 
most dangerous and fallacious beliefs in existence. The 
very first teachings of psychology are diametrically anti- 
thetical to such an assumption; for the uncertainties and 
quirks to which the human mind is subject are such as to 
make it difficult enough for it to maintain a consistent 
viewpoint of itself. Most of the faults of the old meth- 
ods of employment rest upon this fallacy; for hitherto 
the task of interviewing and "sizing up" applicants has 
been left largely to the unchecked and unguided imagina- 
tion or judgment of isolated individuals. The entire aim 
of employment psychology is to substitute for this individ- 



374 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

ualistic and haphazard method of ascertaining points of 
view a more reHable and scientific method. 

Finally, it may be protested that the methods here 
described are altogether too disinterested and mechanical. 
It may be claimed that they work upon an individual as 
a machine works upon raw material, without sympathy 
and without the human touch. To be sure, it does seem 
to be the tendency of all scientific methods to reduce 
things to a perfect mechanism. The ideal employment 
method is undoubtedly an immense machine which would 
receive applicants of all kinds at one end, automatically 
sort, interview, and record them, and finally turn them 
out at the other end nicely labeled with the job to which 
they are to go. Those who are horrified at such a pros- 
pect have little to fear; for it will be many a day before 
this consummation is reached. Instead of comparing 
scientific selection with a machine it is much more reason- 
able to compare it with the practice of medicine. No 
doubt the modern practice of medicine may seem like 
butchery compared with the gentle home remedies of 
our imaginative forefathers. The appliances of the physi- 
cian make a most threatening array and who does not 
quail at the mechanisms of the operating room ? And yet, 
we do not generally think of medicine as disinterested 
and as mechanical. The surgeon may take our best 
friend and rearrange hJs entire anatomy without our ac- 
cusing him of being cold-hearted; for medicine is a tech- 
nique which is larger than the particular intentions of 
a particular physician. The entire aim of medicine is 
the welfare of the human being. Particular physicians 
may be mechanical and disinterested in their attitude 
toward their patients. However, the generous aim of 
their science far outshadows their own pettiness. With 



THE APPLICANT'S POINT OF VIEW 375 

its apparatus and technique, medicine has come to stand 
in the eyes of all as a servant of the physical welfare of 
mankind. The same opinion will probably be ultimately 
entertained toward the science of psychology. The ob- 
jection that psychology is too mechanical and disinterested 
is the objection brought by the backward ones of every 
age against the advance of science. It will undoubtedly 
be commonly recognized in time that the entire aim of 
employment psychology is to attain the viewpoint of the 
applicant, and to further his interests by selecting him 
for the work which he is best able to do and at which he 
will be of greatest value to society and to himself. 



XXVI 

EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY, LABOR, 
AND INDUSTRY 

It is a regrettable but undeniable fact that there is a 
tendency in labor circles to look with suspicion upon any- 
thing which contributes to the efficiency of management. 
Unfortunately, the fashion in which the various programs 
of scientific management have been carried out by some 
manufacturers has provided grounds for this suspicion. 
Many labor leaders have affirmed that the piece-work 
principle, which, under one name or another, is probably 
the most fundamental principle in all schemes of scien- 
tific management, is merely a clever but selfish device by 
which manufacturers attempt to stimulate their workers 
to greater and greater efforts. The large number of bonus 
and premium plans of remuneration inaugurated under 
these programs have tended to confirm this suspicion. 
In fact, the entire range of schemes and devices for the 
promotion of efficiency included under the name of scien- 
tific management has contributed to the belief on the 
part of labor that the science of management is a cold- 
blooded and heartless method which treats human beings 
as just so many machines from which the last pound of 
energy is to be extracted. Since this belief exists, any 
other method which offers to make management still 
more scientific is Hkely to incur a similar suspicion. It 
may be held that the psychological method also treats 

376 



EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY, LABOR, AND INDUSTRY 377 

human nature in a manner altogether too mechanical, 
and the human being too much as if it were a mere autom- 
aton, to be adjusted and shifted accordingly. 

Now, strange as it may seem, even the manufacturer 
sometimes adopts a hostile attitude and resents the method 
of employment psychology on the ground that it is too 
scientific and too formal for application to human beings. 
Although entirely convinced of the necessity of applying 
scientific methods to the inspection, classification, and 
treatment of his material equipment, he is quite satisfied 
with the application of crude clerical methods to the 
treatment of his human equipment. And even if con- 
vinced of the value of applying the scientific method to 
the study of people, he considers it too involved and 
costly for application to his particular problems. The 
possibility of supplementing the physical, chemical, and 
medical laboratories with a psychological laboratory has 
thus far occurred to only the most farsighted of indus- 
trial leaders. 

As a partial answer to this possible view the following 
quotation from an article in "The Harvester World", by 
Cyrus McCormick, Jr., is given: "Automatic machinery 
has come to stay. Progressive machining and progressive 
assembly are known sciences. The time has come when 
we must ask ourselves frankly if we are making the same 
good use of man power that we are of machine power. 
Speaking economically, an employer should take not only 
the same, but better, care of his men than he does of his 
machines. No factory superintendent would consent to 
the operation of any gear cutter, for instance, which was 
so dulled as to cause its rate of production to drop below 
the point of efficiency. Do we take the same care to keep 
our men from being dulled? I mean just this, if we spend 



37^ EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

time and money to keep our machinery in the best order, 
how much more should we be willing to spend time and 
money to keep our men in good health. 

"Good health does not mean simply that the man is 
free from colds and fevers. It means that he is happy in 
his home and his work, and it means further that he is 
surrounded with conditions of labor which make it pos- 
sible for him to produce at all times up to the point of 
maximum efficiency. Good health means happiness, for 
the two are inseparable. We must, therefore, ask our- 
selves if we have provided the means to keep our men 
healthy and happy with the same care that we have 
taken to keep our machines properly and efficiently run- 
ning. 

"Looked at from the standpoint of dollars and cents, 
it costs money to keep a man, or a machine, working who 
is not doing his job properly, and yet, the man may be 
failing through no fault of his own. He may not be prop- 
erly placed. He may, for instance, be working in an 
automatic department whereas he should be on the floor. 
Have we studied carefully enough the human side of man- 
ufacture? Have we developed a system whereby we may 
know without the possibility of doubt that a man is in 
the right place?'* 

This quotation, which is characteristic of the trend of 
some of the finest business talent of the country to-day, 
indicates the radical change which is taking place in the 
attitude of industrial leaders toward their employees. 
The one outstanding fact which has made it possible for 
industry to exploit labor has been ignorance. The failure 
on the part of industries to comprehend or try to compre- 
hend the needs, desires, and capabilities of their workers 
has allowed them to treat their workers as if these factors 



J 



EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY, LABOR, AND INDUSTRY 379 

were nonexistent. Therefore, if failure to comprehend 
the nature of workers has in the past rebounded to their 
harm, anything which tends to remove this ignorance 
must be to their advantage. When manufacturers begin 
to devote the same careful thought to their human equip- 
ment that they have hitherto vouchsafed their mechani- 
cal equipment, it is an unmistakable sign that the interests 
and welfare of the workers will receive a more sympathetic 
consideration than has heretofore been the case. The 
fact that this attention may take the form of applying 
scientific methods to employment problems and treating 
human beings as if they were machines must therefore 
be recorded as a tribute rather than as an insult. It is 
the surest possible sign of the increased value which has 
been attributed to the workmen. Even if the increased 
interest of the industrial leader in the nature of his human 
material is actuated by the most selfish motives, the re- 
sults can not help being to the advantage of the worker. 
In order to understand correctly the place of employ- 
ment psychology in this program, and its respective rela- 
tions to industry and labor, it is necessary to consider the 
conditions to which employment psychology owes its im- 
portance. Employment psychology is obviously a re- 
sponse to the all important question of labor turnover. 
The amount of labor turnover in the last few years has 
been such as to entail a staggering loss, a loss which has 
affected every individual and every enterprise in a meas- 
urable degree. Labor and industry alike have suffered 
by the excessive labor turnover. This condition is an 
unhealthy one. In fact, the unemployment or the im- 
proper employment indicated by the labor turnover may 
be considered as essentially a disease. Steady employ- 
ment is or should be the normal and healthy state of 



380 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

affairs. Unemployment or a constant change of employ- 
ment is the unhealthy or abnormal state of affairs. As 
such, it requires special treatment, just as physical illness 
requires special treatment. Now, whether the cases of 
unemployment or changing employment are due to the 
individual or to industry, it is the task of employment 
psychology to apply the necessary corrective treatment, 
just as it is the task of medicine to restore to health the 
individual who is ill. In so far as employment psychology 
duplicates in the field of employment what medicine does 
in the field of health, it contributes to the welfare both 
of the individual and of industry. 

In order, however, to achieve a still truer perspective 
of the place of employment psychology with reference to 
labor and industry, it is necessary to go still deeper into 
the problem of labor turnover. To begin with, employ- 
ment psychology is not the only road to steady employ- 
ment, any more than medicine is the only road to health. 
Just as good health is dependent upon healthful recrea- 
tion, health-giving food, proper exercise, and an absorbing 
trade or profession, so steady employment is dependent 
upon other factors, more fundamental than a temporary 
correction. Steady employment is essentially dependent 
upon the conditions of industry. It is dependent upon the 
degree and quality of physical health, recreation, family 
life, social standing, and the advancement which the 
worker is able to achieve. But above all, it is dependent 
upon education. The one most universal and powerful 
factor in reducing labor turnover and in maintaining a 
healthy state of employment is education. Education 
is the most stabilizing influence known to man. This is 
true not only in so far as it affects labor turnover, but in 
its effects upon the turnover of social institutions, indus- 



j 



EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY, LABOR, AND INDUSTRY 38 1 

tries, and governments as well. "The higher the fewer*' 
is a phrase the significance of which is now becoming 
axiomatic. With regard to labor turnover, it may be 
interpreted as meaning the higher the education the lower 
the turnover. If statistics were available they would 
undoubtedly show that the turnover among college grad- 
uates is lower than among any less educated group. The 
same principle applies to every trade and profession 
which requires a thorough training and preparation. The 
expert tool maker and mechanic is one of the steadiest 
of all workers. Wherever he is, he holds a dignified and 
respected position. The same may be said of every other 
craft or occupation which requires educated talent. Edu- 
cation, health, and employment go hand in hand. 

As a corollary of this fact, it may be stated that the 
fundamental cause of unemployment and instability is 
the lack of education. For the past fifty years the edu- 
cation of boys and men for industrial work has been 
neglected. The large number of expert mechanics, chem- 
ists, opticians, wood and iron workers, decorators, etc., 
etc., were drawn from European countries, notably France, 
Germany, Switzerland, Sweden, Austria, and England. 
As a consequence, the education of the youth of this 
country was neglected, and they were compelled to be 
satisfied with places requiring less expert ability. In 
addition to this cause was the development of automatic 
machines and the breaking down of all manufacturing 
operations into a series of comparatively simple elements. 
How far the simplification and division of labor have been 
due to the lack of experts and educated workers who were 
able to carry out an entire process, and how much of it 
is due to the inventive genius of a small number of ex- 
ceptional individuals, is a question which can never be 



382 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

answered. Undoubtedly, both were contributing factors. 
The lack of experts made it necessary to divide the work, 
while, in turn, the division of labor made expert workers 
unnecessary. The grand result, however, has been the 
breaking down of operations and simplifying of processes 
until less and less skill is required to perform any one of 
them, and until more and more workers are eligible for 
the task. This trend was still more accentuated by the 
exigencies of the war. And now it is possible for almost 
any man or woman to go into a factory and in a day or 
a week become an acceptable operator, and earn a desir- 
able week's pay. In fact, the entire tendency in industry 
has been to place a premium upon the uneducated worker. 
The high labor turnover, the unhealthy state of employ- 
ment, which prevailed even in the face of a most dire 
need for labor, was the logical and inevitable result 
of this great development. An operation which can be 
learned in an hour, a day, or a week, possesses none of 
the elements which make for stability. The simpler the 
operation and the less time required to learn it, the less 
interest and mental effort it demands. Once such an 
operation or task is acquired, nothing more remains for 
the worker to do except to watch his fellow men, to brood 
probably upon his own hopeless condition, the more favor- 
able condition of some of his neighbors, the inadequacy 
of the wage he receives, the pettiness of his bosses, and 
an infinite number of other details which may come into his 
mind. The unhealthy results arising from an unoccupied 
mind are proverbial. The worker whose work is so highly 
standardized as to allow him to become a mere automaton 
with a mind which may be anywhere but at work, is a 
fruitful field for all kinds of unrest. He is bound to be 
assailed by the desire for a change, the desire for large] 



EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY, LABOR, AND INDUSTRY jSj 

and larger wages, and sometimes even the desire for a bit 
of violence and excitement to make up for the otherwise 
undisturbed monotony of his days. The operation which 
Is so simple that it requires no particular training or edu- 
cation commands a dignity and respect which is corre- 
spondingly meager. The good wages which piece-workers 
usually receive partly compensate for this lack. How- 
ever, piece-work wages have had the effect of increasing 
rather than diminishing the restlessness of the workers. 
The unexpectedly high wages which one class was able 
to earn upset the entire labor market and added enor- 
mously to the labor turnover. This unforeseen increase 
in the earnings of piece-workers, and consequent unrest 
among all other workers, made it necessary for industries 
to readjust wages from the very bottom to the very top 
of the scale. Laborers, clerks, journeymen, and even 
salaried officers had to be included in this general read- 
justment. 

No one realizes better than the leaders of industry who 
have lived through the rapid progress in the division of 
labor, how much painful truth the above assertions con- 
tain, and probably no group of men is more anxious to 
meet this problem in a fundamental way. The condition 
is present. Labor has been divided into minute and 
highly volatile parts. No amount of coercion, either upon 
the part of Industrial leaders as a group or laborers as a 
union, can bring about the cure. No amount of preaching 
or doctrine as to the relative duties of capital toward 
labor and labor toward capital can make employment 
conditions healthy. Among the many lessons which the 
war has brought home Is the fact that labor is capital 
and capital is labor. The practical solution of this prob- 
lem can not be attained by steering a nice middle course 



384 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

between two antagonistic forces. It can be achieved only 
by the combined effort of an entire community, and that 
effort must be concentrated upon education. Just as the 
neglect of education has made the present situation pos- 
sible, so the development and increase of education must 
make it impossible. Industrial stability and a healthy 
state of employment can be achieved only when labor 
parties, industries, educational institutions, and in fact, 
the entire national community, cooperate. And this co- 
operation must concentrate on educating the youth of 
the land for work which commands their interest and their 
ingenuity. 

The objections which will be immediately voiced to 
such a proposal are: first, that it will result in a super- 
abundance of educated and expert workers, and will 
thereby deprive society of the ignorant and uncouth 
workers who will always be required to do the dirty work; 
secondly, it will tend to retard the development of the 
many labor-saving mechanical devices which have to so 
large an extent brought about the minute division of 
labor. In answer to the first of these contentions, it may 
be said that never, in the history of civilization, has there 
been, so far as we know, a superfluity of educated men 
or trained artisans. Never was the need for trained ex- 
perts and skilled workers more painfully felt than during 
the course of the war. Moreover, it is safe to prophesy 
that no possible program of education can ever raise all 
men to exactly the same level of ability and knowledge. 
There will always be the two extremes of highly educated 
and poorly educated workers, and the large middle class 
of workers with only a fair education. This, however, 
does not mean that there must always be men and women 
to do the dirty work as it is being done now. The reason 



EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY, LABOR, AND INDUSTRY 385 

for the recent dearth of labor is that labor has been so 
cheap in the past that we have come to depend on it as 
wholly as the South, at one time, depended on slavery. 
Dirty work is no more necessary now than slavery was then. 
To make dirty work less dirty requires only a little thought 
and ingenuity. It is not an inescapable evil. The same 
may be said about arduous physical labor. To eliminate 
or ameliorate the objectionable conditions, when in the 
course of progress they become objectionable, is only 
another little problem for man's inventive and mechan- 
ical ingenuity to meet. And, queerly enough, education, 
at the same time at which it develops men and women 
who find dirty and monotonous work objectionable, also 
develops the skill and knowledge by which these objec- 
tionable features can be removed. So far as industry 
goes, there can never be a superabundance of educated 
people, even though managers are sometimes put to it to 
make use of intelligent workers in an intelligent way. 

The other contention, that education will make workers 
dissatisfied with the highly specialized and monotonous 
types of work brought about by the invention of machin- 
ery and thereby retard industrial progress, may be an- 
swered in much the same way. Education can never hope 
to solve the problem of labor turnover by attempting to 
create artisans and craftsmen of the old type. This is 
one of the pretty dreams of retrospective Utopians, and 
runs counter to the entire trend of productive civilization. 
Not by the abolition of machinery but by a further and 
an even undreamed-of development of mechanical devices 
will education help solve the problem of labor turnover. 
Machines must more and more be made to do the work 
for which labor is becoming scarce or which labor is un- 
willing to do. But instead of workers being mated to a 



386 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

single machine in an endless monotony of stereotyped 
and simple motions, one individual will supervise the 
work of a chain of machines, automatically fed and regu- 
lated, requiring, instead of a brainless and emotionless 
automaton, a well-trained mind and a knowing touch. 
Education, instead of dampening the fire of inventive 
genius, will encourage it to accomplish its utmost in eman- 
cipating mankind from enslavement to work that is 
merely automatic and from which all creative elements 
have been systematically abstracted. 

What has been said of education and industry applies 
also to education and labor unions, though in a slightly 
different manner. Probably no factor does more to de- 
stroy the cohesion and intelligent cooperation of labor 
parties than ignorance or the lack of education. The very 
lack which contributed so much to the rise of unions is 
now the lack which acts as a bar to their intelligent and 
concerted action. But as the workers become better 
educated their power of cohesion will become stronger. 
At the same time, a cohesion made stronger through edu- 
cation will become less threatening because of its intelli- 
gence. Industry has much less to fear from an educated 
party than from an ignorant mob. And on the other hand, 
a union of educated members will be able to achieve more, 
in a constructive and cooperative manner, than can an 
ignorant mob by force. 

We are now in a position to regard employment psy- 
chology in a truer perspective and with a clearer sense of 
its relation to industry and labor. If psychology is not a 
panacea for all employment ills and labor turnover, 
neither is education, fundamental though it is. No matter 
how extensively and intensively the work of education 
is carried on, there will always be an appreciable turnover. 



EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY, LABOR, AND INDUSTRY 387 

due to a large variety of causes other than the lack of 
education. Workers will continue to get through and to 
look for positions elsewhere. The essential fact which 
confronts us is not a far-off possibility but an immediate 
and distressing fact. Education has been neglected. 
Many jobs have become so simple as to require almost 
no education or training. An enormous labor turnover 
has come into existence, not only through and among the 
unskilled and semi-skilled workers but even to a consider- 
able extent among the skilled workers in the trades and 
crafts. The immediate and most pressing task in the 
midst of this great labor turnover is to fit, as quickly and 
adeptly as possible, the right person to the right place. 
This is the task which employment psychology attempts 
to accomplish. Employment psychology, by making it 
possible to discover the inherent and acquired ability of 
an individual, makes it possible also to assign the individ- 
ual to the kind of work at which he can most quickly and 
satisfactorily succeed. The development and application 
of tests, the standardization of observation and questions, 
the analysis of jobs, and the conduct of vestibule or train- 
ing schools, are all phases of employment to which the 
technique of psychology may be applied. Moreover, in 
addition to selecting the right man or woman for the 
right place, employment psychology seeks to provide an 
objective and scientific basis by which the success of 
selections may be reliably estimated. Without such a 
basis, the entire method of selecting and classifying 
workers rests on precarious ground. In fulfilling this 
purpose, employment psychology will greatly reduce the 
present rate of labor turnover and thereby render a 
marked service both to industry and to labor. 

There is one aspect of employment work which has as 



388 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

yet received little attention but which is becoming daily- 
more important; that is, the classification of workers into 
trades and grades. One of the greatest hindrances to the 
amicable settlement of wage disputes has been the lack 
of such classifications. When, for instance, a group of 
tool makers ask for a certain minimum wage for all first- 
rate tool makers and another minimum for all second-rate 
tool makers, the rock on which negotiations often split 
is the question; How do you distinguish between what 
constitutes a first-rate and a second-rate tool maker? The 
workers fear that the manufacturer will make the classifi- 
cation to his advantage if he is allowed the final word; 
the manufacturer fears that unless he makes the clas- 
sification himself it will result to his disadvantage. Conse- 
quently, because neither party to the discussion possesses 
an impartial or impersonal criterion upon which to base 
a classification, the misunderstanding between both 
parties grows. This is a situation which has arisen very 
frequently in recent years and which is bound to arise 
with increasing frequency as the organization of labor 
continues to develop. Now, situations of this kind fur- 
nish a perfect illustration of the value and impartiality 
of the psychological method. It will be remembered that 
the introductory chapter described employment psychol- 
ogy as the application of exact and standard measures 
to the problems of employment, in contrast with the crude 
and prejudiced estimates of the human mind. In situa- 
tions of this kind, just such scientific measures are needed. 
The manufacturer does not rely upon the judgment of 
the workers, and the workers are not willing to rely on his. 
Both judgments are naturally biased, and therefore sub- 
ject to error. In order to solve this problem, it is necessary 
to appeal to an unbiased and impersonal criterion. Arbi- 



EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY, LABOR, AND INDUSTRY 389 

tration boards do not furnish such a criterion. The 
ordinary arbitration board is even less able to classify 
workers than the ordinary employment office. The very 
fact which hinders such boards in their attempts to render 
a fair and just decision is the absence of any impersonal 
standard which will enable them to insure that the clas- 
sification of workers upon which their decision must be 
based is an exact one. The psychological method, however, 
by means of the same technique which has been applied 
to the classification of individuals in the employment 
office, will make it possible to classify doubtful individ- 
uals in the case of labor disputes. By the application of 
standard measures, in the form of tests, questions, or 
demonstrations, it will become possible for the psycholo- 
gist to furnish both labor and industry, or the arbitration 
board which sits for them, a scientific and impersonal 
basis for making the classification which they desire. 

The relation of employment psychology to labor and 
industry, then, is an impersonal relation. Like all other 
sciences, it is impartial. It does not aim to help any 
cause or any party. It is merely an instrument, a method, 
which will serve without favor whoever makes use of it. 
If industry wishes to obtain the best possible kind of 
human material, if it wishes to make the best possible use 
of its workers, if it wishes to maintain a reliable check 
on its classification of workers, employment psychology 
is at its disposal. On the other hand, if organized labor 
wishes to carry out collective bargaining, if it wishes to 
base its claims for individuals on the sound basis of abil- 
ity and training, employment psychology provides it 
with a technique which will enable it to classify properly 
its collection of workers for that purpose. 

As for the individual out of work — to be without a job 



390 EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY 

is essentially to be ill. Now, just as the individual who 
is physically ill goes finally to a physician for an exami- 
nation and prescription, so it will probably be, in time, 
that the worker who becomes dissatisfied with his work 
or has lost his job will come to the psychologist for an ex- 
amination and prescription. The physician, by virtue 
of an impersonal and scientific technique, has become the 
acknowledged friend of every man. It may be that the 
psychologist, by virtue of a similar technique, may win 
a position as enviable. 

This is looking somewhat into the future. But the 
future of psychology is so promising that ambitious pro- 
moters have already begun to capitalize it. There exists 
even now a large body of pseudo-psychological doctrine 
and literature which bears the same relation to psychol- 
ogy that nostrums bear to medicine. Advertisements 
and articles extolling "get rich quick mentally" schemes 
are as common in periodicals of high repute to-day as 
nostrums were a generation ago. The chief signs by which 
these quack psychological remedies may be recognized is 
that they uniformly promise a remedy which is speedy^ 
infallible^ and ready for instantaneous application. The 
industrial world and individuals generally will do well 
to beware investing heavily in any project, masquerading 
under the name psychology^ which claims any of these 
characteristics. 

While not purely scientific in every detail, it will be 
evident to the reader that the entire trend of the work 
described here is toward the development of an employ- 
ment psychology based on scientific technique. The 
employment psychology which will prevail, and which 
will increasingly contribute to the unravelling of employ- 
ment problems, is the psychology which rests on contin- 



I 



EMPLOYMENT PSYCHOLOGY, LABOR, AND INDUSTRY 39I 

uous research and experimentation in the field of employ- 
ment itself. And this research must in turn be conducted 
by psychologists trained in the best practices of the 
university laboratory. The cooperation between univer- 
sity and industry in this respect will not be the least 
fruitful result in the development of a basic and compre- 
hensive technique for solving employment problems. 



APPENDIX 

As far as practicable, the tests used in the experiments de- 
scribed in this book are given here, together with the instruc- 
tions governing their use. Mechanical tests and other non-paper 
tests can be represented only by a verbal description. Many of 
these are described in the body of the book and these descrip- 
tions will be referred to. 

It must be borne in mind that minor improvements in the 
character and use of these tests are constantly being made. 
Consequently, in compihng this Appendix for publication, there 
will be points at which it will be slightly at variance with the 
procedure described in the body of the book. 

The arrangement of this material is based on manuals actu- 
ally used in giving tests to incoming applicants. It is therefore 
as practical as constant use and experience have been able to 
make it. Tests are listed in numerical order. (No classifica- 
tion of tests according to mental faculties is given, because it 
has been found that such a classification has little practical 
value, besides being theoretically unsound.) Numbers are 
given to the tests in order to do away with the clumsy practice 
of recording each test by its full name. Tests are therefore 
usually referred to by number. 

The system used in the application of these tests is the unit 
system. That is, instead of printing a set of tests in a single 
folder for a single purpose — for example, a clerical series or an 
inspectors' series — each test has been preserved as a unit. Each 
unit can then be combined with other units in any series and 
for any purpose. This method has been found necessary from 
an economical point of view as well as for the sake of greater 
flexibility and accuracy in meeting the highly specialized de- 
mands of employment. 

393 



394 APPENDIX 

The tests themselves and the directions accompanying their 
use are arranged as far as practical in numerical order. Inter- 
larded are comments which are called for by points not made 
clear elsewhere. Where tests have been combined in series it 
is indicated by the directions governing the entire series. 
Explanations and test series are designated by letter and are 
arranged alphabetically. 

The tests borrowed from other sources are acknowledged 
either in the body of the book or in the Appendix near the test 
itself. Revisions and adaptations have become so numerous, 
however, that it is difficult to be absolutely accurate in this 
respect. 

Numerical List of Tests 



I. 


Eyesight test. 


2. 


Card sorting (simple). 


3. 


Accuracy (see Chapter II). 


4- 


Steadiness (see Chapter II). 


6. 


Cancellation. 


8. 


Number group checking 


9. 


Tachistoscope. 


10. 


Arithmetic (simple). 


12. 


Card sorting (complex). 


13- 


Hard directions. 


13b. 


Oral directions (easy) 


13c. 


Context reading. 


15. 


Substitution, letters. 


15m. 


Substitution, mixed letters and numbers. 


16. 


Spelling. 


17. 


Handwriting. 


18. 


Three-hole test (see Chapter X). 


19- 


Filing, alphabetical. 


19c. 


Filing, alphabetical (cards). 


20T1 


Dictation and typing. 


21. 


Grammar. 


25- 


Substitution (numbers). 



APPENDIX 395 

26. Comptometer adding. 

27. Comptometer extending. 

30. Filing, topical (easy). 

31. Hand dynanometer (Chapters IV and VI). 

33. Manual dexterity form-board (large triangles). 

34. Manual dexterity form-board (small triangles). 

38. Cube construction (Chapter XI). 

39. Stenquist mechanical test (Chapters VI and XI). 

42. Tool maker's vocabulary (Chapter XIII). 

43. Tool maker's part-whole relation test (Chapter XIII). 

44. Tool maker's context test (Chapter XIII). 

45. Trade questions for gunsmiths (Chapter XX). 

46. Trade questions for jig and fixtures designers. 

47. Arithmetical test for tool makers and apprentices. 

48. Trade questions for machinists. 

49. Association test for machinists. 

50. Pictorial completion. 

51. Spatial preception (Chapters IV, VI, and XI). 
91. Machine operators. 

Test Series and Explanations 

A. Correlations. 

B. General procedure of giving tests. 

C. Rating single tests. 

D. Inspecting series. 

E. Pro-rating a series of tests. 

F. Clerical series (general). 

G. Typist series. 

H. Stenographer series. 
I. Comptometer Series. 
J. Trade tests (42-50). 

A. CORRELATIONS 

Working out correlations can be made very difficult or very 
simple. The correlation sheets prepared by J. L. Stenquist, of 



396 APPENDIX 

Teachers' College, are a great convenience for the beginner. 
A comprehensive treatment may be found in E. L. Thorndike's 
** Mental and Social Measurements" and a very concise pres- 
entation in Guy M. Whipple's "Manual of Mental and Physi- 
cal Tests ", Vol. I. The practical psychologist will find that 
the slightly greater accuracy of the Pearson formula is more 
than compensated for by the greater flexibility and simplicity 
of the Spearman formula. It takes about six times longer to 
work out the Pearson formula than the Spearman formula 
(differences squared). In the treatment of employment tests 
it is much more important to obtain a large number of corre- 
lations than to spend time trying to increase the refinement of 
a few. Two indices in which there is an inaccuracy of even 5 
points have a greater practical significance than one correla- 
tion which is absolutely accurate. 

Where groups of more than 20 rankings are to be compared, 
the Spearman "footrule" is sufficiently accurate, and extremely 
convenient. Extensive use of this formula was made in the 
course of the experiments described here. Where " n" was less 
than 20, the longer Spearman formula was used. 

Probable errors are not given in connection with the indices 
of correlation in the body of the book for two reasons: first, 
because they would confuse the ordinary reader; secondly, the 
practical psychologist can tell almost at a glance what the 
probable error is. Knowing the number of individuals and the 
size of the correlation, the P. E. can easily be deduced. 

B. GENERAL PROCEDURE 

When an individual applies for work, his application is taken 
in the employment office and the information placed on a per- 
manent employment record card. This card is then taken into 
the psychological examination room where it serves as an an- 
nouncement of the applicant's readiness to be examined. It 
also tells the examiner the kind of work for which the applicant 
is asking and gives him certain other essential information. 



APPENDIX 



397 



When the examiner is ready, he goes to the waiting room with 
this card and calls for the individual to be examined. 

The results of the psychological examination are entered on 
the psychological examination record card shown below: 



Date. 



.No. 



Last name. 



first 



middle name 



Applied for ; Age, 

Recommended for 

Remarks 

Nationality- 
Hired for 

Previous job Date ... 

Education:?. S H. S B. S N. S C. . 

Follow up: I mo 2 mo , 

3 mo 6 mo i yr , 



Left... 
Reason. 



Lapsed 

Attend 

Foreman's opinion 
of worker 



Remarks . 



This card was devised not only for the purpose of recording 
these facts but also as a means for recording the history of each 
person examined, especially with reference to the success or 
failure of those hired. It will be noticed that spaces are provided 
in which to enter the results of a periodic follow-up. The rec- 
ords in the tests are entered in the blank upper portion of the 
card. This space has been left blank so as to accommodate 
more readily the various kinds and combinations of test records. 

When the examination has been completed, the applicant 
is allowed to return to the waiting room. The results are then 
computed and entered on both the employment card and the 
examination record card. The former is returned to the employ- 
ment office where the transaction of hiring or rejecting the 
applicant is then completed. The latter remains as a perma- 
nent record in the files of the psychological division. 

The method of computing results described here may seem 
intricate at first reading. As a matter of fact, several clerks 



398 • APPENDIX 

have mastered it in one week and in no case has any clerk re- 
quired more than ten days to learn it. Many of these tests 
are now given by clerks, a thing which is possible only because 
of the care with which this technique has been worked out. 
The arithmetical work has been still further simplified by means 
of tables. In fact, by the time a subject finishes the test, the 
examiner has almost finished computing the results. 

I. Eyesight Test 

Description: The Lowell chart and the Jaeger reading card 
are used. 

Instructions: The eyesight test should be given by the medical 
examiner as a part of the physical examination. Where 
this is impracticable, the subject may simply be asked to 
read or to spell the lines on the Jaeger card and the Lowell 
chart according to standard practice, and the results 
recorded. 

Standards: The sharpness of sight required will necessarily 
depend on the kind of work to be done. No exact corre- 
lations between eyesight and production have yet been 
established. The decision must therefore rest largely on 
expert judgment. For inspectors, 20/15 o^ 20/20 is desir- 
able. Clerks can easily get along with vision ranging 
anywhere between 20/15 ^^^ 20/40. 

Suggestions: The importance of an eyesight test for work re- 
quiring good eyesight seems so obvious as not to need em- 
phasis. However, the number of industries paying atten- 
tion to this fact is absurdly small. 

2. Card Sorting (simple) 

Description: 

See Chapter IL 

Instructions: 

"I am going to give you a pack of cards like this (showing 
face of card in sample pack of six) which you are to sepa- 



APPENDIX 



399 



rate into two packs. On this side of the board where you 
see the * O ' (pointing to left side of a 12'' x 12" cardboard 
with an * O ' in the upper left hand comer) put all cards 
which have an ' O ' on them. On the other side, put those 
that do not have an * O '. Try it with this pack (handing 
subject the sample pack of six cards, three with and three 
without an ' O '). Now do it with this whole pack quickly 
and carefully. Ready? Start." (Press stop-watch at 
the word 'start ' and again when subject is finished.) 

Record: 

Turn cards face down and sort back into original order 
according to numbers on the back of each card, counting 
mistakes in the process. Record as follows: number of 
test, seconds taken, number of mistakes made. For ex- 
ample, 2; 35 sees., 2 E. 

Rating: 

Read following section on rating. All tests are rated ac- 
cording to one of two formulae. In this one we apply 
formula II. The point of reference is sorting the 50 cards 
in 25 seconds. RU, or the total number of units in the 
test is 50 (cards). Ru, or the reference time per unit is 
.7, i. e., 35 (seconds) -r- 50 (units). 

E, the number of errors, to be counted double. T, the 
time. Applying formula II to the above sample record, 

( Ru X RU - 2 E ) . .7 X (so - 4) 

' = ratmg, -^ ^^ ^ = .90 

T 35 

C. RATING 

Because of the multiplicity of varieties of tests and ways 
of giving them, much confusion has arisen over the methods of 
rating. Some tests are rated according to the amount done in 
a given time; others, according to the time taken to complete 
the entire test others, according to the number of correct and 
false moves; etc., etc. Because of this variety and subsequent 



400 APPENDIX 

confusion, a method of rating which applies equally well to all 
tests was devised. 

This method starts by taking the perfect completion of a 
certain number of units in a certain time as a point of reference. 
For instance, in test number 2, sorting the 50 cards perfectly 
in 35 seconds is taken as the point of reference. Then, 35 sec- 
onds divided by whatever time the individual takes will be 
the rating for the individual. For instance, an individual who 
does the test in 35 seconds will be rated 35 -^ 35 or 1. 00. One 
who does it in 40 seconds will have 35 -^ 40 or .87. If anybody 
does it in 30 seconds the rating will be 35 -r- 30 or 1.20. This 
is higher than i.oo. However, by selecting as our reference 
time a record in the test which only the very best individuals 
can reach, the subsequent ratings will approach, but seldom 
pass i.cxD. 

In many tests, however, every subject is allowed only a cer- 
tain length of time. Therefore, since the time is always the 
same, it becomes necessary to divide the number of units com- 
pleted by the number of units called for by the point of reference 
(RU). E. g., test 8, 120 seconds is the time. The point of 
reference is the completion of 70 numbers in that time. If 
only 60 are completed, the rating in the test is 60 ^ 70 or .86. 

70 
If the 70 are completed, the rating is — or i.oo. 

The next step is to compensate for mistakes. In tests like 
8, where the time is always the same, it is only necessary to 
subtract the number of mistakes from the amount completed 

60 — 2 
before dividing. E. g., = .83. Therefore, whenever 

70 

the time limit for a test is uniform, the rating formula is; 



i\ 



APPENDIX 401 

Rating Formula I 

N-E 



= r, in which 



RU 

N = number of units covered 
E = errors 
RU = the number of units called for by the point of reference. 

r = rating 
For application, see rating of tests 6 and 8. When no fixed time 
is set, but each individual is allowed to complete the test in 
his own time, the equation becomes: 

Rating Formula II 

Ru X RU - E . , . , 
= = r, m which 

RU = the number of units called for by the point of reference, 

in this case, the entire test. 
Ru = reference time per unit, obtained by dividing the refer- 
ence time by the reference units (RU). In test 2 this 
would be 35 (reference time) -^ 50 
T = time actually taken by individual (number of cards) or .7. 
For application, see rating of test 2. 

Frequently, accuracy is at a premium, and special emphasis 
is to be placed upon mistakes. This can be done by multiply- 
ing E or the number of errors by 2, 3, 4, or whatever value the 
situation calls for. The general practice here is to count each 
error as one unit and each omission as one unit. 

The two equations formulated above can be applied to all 
tests in which time, quantity, and quality are the factors. 
Moreover, each equation can be easily converted from a time 
basis to a quantity basis, and vice versa. This is a great ad- 
vantage in handling data obtained under varying circumstances. 
This method of rating may appear complex at the outset but 
a little practice will show it to be extremely simple and easy of 
application. It can be still further simplified by the use of tables. 



402 



APPENDIX 



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6. Number Cancellation 



APPENDIX 403 

Description: Woodworth-Wells. See accompanying sample. 

Instructions: Show applicant a sample slip containing the 
following line and nothing else. 

5213689687341880657273652098443968425721073264814 
"I want you to cross out every * 7 ' on this slip with a quick 
dash like this." (Examiner makes a short dash, " — ", 
through the first '*7" and lets subject finish the line.) 
"Now do the same thing on this entire sheet (showing the 
test sheet). Begin at the top line and go across each one, 
crossing out every * 7 '. Do this quickly and carefully. All 
right.? Start" (allow 100 seconds). "Stop now, please." 

Record: Record number of test, the time (in this case always 
100 seconds), the number of " 7*s " covered (there are 100 on 
the sheet), and the number skipped. E. g., 6; 100 sees., 
80 - 2. 

Rating: Reference points, 100 **7's" crossed off in 100 seconds; 
RU, or reference units, 100; N, number of units or "7's" 
covered by subject; E, errors, to be counted double; r, 

N — E 
rating. Applying formula I, = r, to the sample 

K.U 

record given above, we have = .76. 

100 



404 






APPENDIX 










8. 


, Number Group Checking 






983642 


168379 


694517 


253914 


745682 


158923 


729648 


426357 


372159 


754936 


297835 


627519 


786531 


731469 


654173 


947386 


589761 


134852 


146237 


194526 


936425 


837162 


691324 


814536 


32617s 


368792 


549826 


572194 


458671 


971648 


479612 


495683 


78429s 


817243 


916328 


275148 


3 1 8495 


635728 


596873 


982563 


431289 


381647 


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615832 


851279 


498136 


356719 


412789 


197584 


563792 


748315 


861395 


421856 


973124 


125437 


918654 


846975 


453867 


281463 


213956 


651274 


526987 


397841 


961872 


248691 


574389 


532416 


723964 


473519 


872351 


327984 


437528 


864712 


825916 


682543 


534169 


923871 


632791 


765429 


235849 


672834 


295481 


349257 


867314 


462758 


486592 


198537 


871596 


164985 


247153 


963458 


981374 


156843 


259671 


762491 


983567 


579361 


345962 


941258 


182653 


561487 


435781 


179428 


731825 


672389 


346521 


427163 


281937 


672539 


985273 


956142 


312876 


853926 


587436 


296851 


784623 


875126 


513647 


934612 


739548 


843216 


215367 


916483 


294378 


768914 


954178 


371629 


529817 


436978 


123874 


957641 


682917 


719325 


294736 


639187 


2864IS 


593182 


297568 


145389 


594231 


389254 


19623s 


825749 


461289 


378652 


672841 


349716 


42739s 


138962 


268794 


524617 


358472 


319546 


714932 


75943 1 


38214s 


853624 


714529 


635819 


237465 


649752 


718254 


596743 


862934 


851763 


329418 


495867 



8. Number Group Checking 

Description: Woodworth-Wells. See sample test. 

Instructions: Show applicant a sample slip containing nothing 
but the following line: 

954178 168379 814536 864712 358472 762491 936425 
"I want you to put a quick dash like this (examiner illus- 
trates by putting a quick dash about an eighth of an inch 
long after the first group on slip) after every group in which 
there is both a ' i ' and a * 7 '. It makes no difference in what 
order they come or whether they are together or not, as 
long as they are in the same group." Subject puts a short 
line after each group on the slip that contains both a " i " 
and a "7". "Do the same thing on this paper" (examiner 



APPENDIX 405 

shows test sheet). "Start at the top and go across every 
line, marking every group that contains both * i ' and *7'. 
Do this quickly and carefully. All right? Start.'' Allow 
120 seconds. 

Record: There are 70 numbers which can be marked. Each 
number skipped or marked wrongly is an error. Record 
number of test, time allowed, numbers checked, errors 
made. E. g., 8; 120 sees., 60 — 3. 

Rating: Apply formula I. The reference point is 70 numbers 

checked in 120 seconds; RU, or reference units, 70; N, 

number of units the subject covers; E, errors, which should 

N — 2E 
count double. Then — ^r^^: — = r, applied to above sample 

60 — 6 
gives : = .92 

70 

Suggestions: A correction key which can be placed alongside 
the test sheet will materially help the examiner in correct- 
ing the test. 

9. Tachistoscope 

Description: The small Harvard type piece was used to test 
inspectors. No correlations whatsoever were found. This 
fact may be attributed in part to the inaccuracy and un- 
reliability of this type of apparatus. A portable tachisto- 
scope of an entirely different type has been devised and 
is being tried out. It is as yet too early to publish the 
results. 

C. INSPECTION SERIES 

I. Order of Procedure: 

a. Shock absorber, 33. 

b. Eye test, I. 

c. Cancellation test, 6. 

d. Number group checking test, 8. 

e. Card sorting (simple), 2. 



406 APPENDIX 

Each of these tests is to be given in turn according to the 
directions accompanying it. While the appHcant is per- 
forming the first test, the examiner transfers from the 
employment record card to his own record, the name, 
education, etc., of the person being examined. 

2. Pro-rating: The applicant's fitness for inspection is deter- 

mined by pro-rating the results of the tests. The meaning 
of pro-rating and the manner in which the pro-rating for- 
mula is determined are described in the following section. 
The formula in this case is: .3 X r2 + .3 X r6 -|- .4 X r8 
= R, in which r stands for the rating in the test whose 
number it accompanies, and R the final pro-rated score. 
E. g., .3 X 75 + -3 X .80 -f- .4 X .60 = .71, the pro-rated 
result. 

3. Record: The results of the examination are recorded in two 

ways: 

(i) the numerical result of applying the pro-rating for- 
mula. 

(2) whether or not the person is recommended, not recom- 
mended, or recommended for a trial. The examiner's 
card naturally has all this information in detail. 

4. Standards: For the kind of inspection described in Chap- 

ters II and III, the passing standard was .65. Anybody 
above .55 was recommended for a trial under close super- 
vision. 

5- Suggestions: It is of little use to give these tests to persons 
who fail to understand English because they would have 
great difiiculty in the tests as well as in understanding the 
instructions given to inspectors in the shop. Applicants 
below the sixth grade in education cannot be accurately 
judged by these tests. When more than one appHcant is 
being tested at the same time each one should be asked to 
write his initials on the back of each sheet before be- 
ginning. 

6. Shock absorber: Test 34 is used as a shock absorber. The 
test is extremely simple and easily understood. 



APPENDIX 



E. PRO-RATING 



407 



After a group of tests has been given and each test has been 
rated, the result is a collection of ratings which is often very 
confusing. It is quite necessary, from every point of view, to 
be able to express all these ratings in terms of a single rating 
for the entire group. This is sometimes done by adding to- 
gether the results in each test, a procedure which is obviously 
fallacious, because each test may have a different value. 

The value of each test is determined by its index of correla- 
tion. The tests for inspectors, for instance, were found to have 
correlations of plus .56 for 2, plus .63 for 6, and plus .72 for 8. 
Therefore, test 8 should be given more weight in the final result 
than 6, etc. The proportional value of each test may be approxi- 
mately found by dividing each correlation by the sum of all the 
correlations. In the above instance this gives .30 for 2, .32 for 
6, and .38 for 8. That is, test 2 is to count 30% of the total, 
test 6, 32%, and test 8, 38%, no matter what the record in 
each test is. 

Pro-rating is the process of applying a formula by which the 
rating in a group of tests can be combined in such a way as to 
give each rating its proportional value in the final result. If 
we use the results of the above analysis, and apply it to the 
inspectors' test, we shall have the following formula: 

.30 X 2r + .32 X 6r + .38 X 8r = R, in which R is the final 
group rating, and 2r, 6r, and 8r the rating in each of the three 
tests. If our deduction has been correct, R should be i.oo 
when each test has been done in reference time. E. g., .30 X i.oo 
+ .32 X I.oo + .38 X I.oo = I.oo. 

It is impossible to apply this formula to any ratings which 
are not computed on a standard basis similar to that described 
under the section on rating. 

It is also desirable to pro-rate tests in accordance with chang- 
ing and special conditions. For instance, in the case of clerical 
tests, it may be necessary to place considerable emphasis on 
the arithmetical test, especially for ledger, statistical, and ac- 



408 APPENDIX 

counting clerks. In the case of tests for comptometrists, actual 
comptometry tests count 50% of the final rating. This pro- 
portion must to a large extent be determined arbitrarily. The 
proportion will naturally depend on the varying needs of partic- 
ular kinds of work. However, once determined, it follows that 
every applicant will be rated in exactly the same way. 

10. Simple Arithmetic 

I. Add 11. Subtract III. Multiply IV. Divide 

23 290 (i) S32I (i) 



'i 



46 121 .62 21 252 



17 48 

23 36 

[51 152 (2) 2.456 (2) 



18 38 54 .623.038 



479 III 

45 99 



384 678 (3) 5081 (3) 

215 184 .206 12.3 



418.2 



) 789 794 

476 697 

1895 980 (4) 26.62 (4) 

432 871 4.18 46214.3890 



7586 1294 

1904 358 



Jl 



APPENDIX 409 

Description: See sample test. 

Instructions: "On the other side of this sheet (pointing to test 
sheet) you will find some simple arithmetic examples in 
addition, subtraction, multipHcation, and division. Be 
sure to notice all decimal points. Go down each column 
doing each example quickly and accurately. All right? 
Start." Allow 300 seconds as a maximum time. 

Corrections: A key with the correct answers should be in readi- 
ness. Examples have the following values: addition, i each; 
subtraction, i ; decimal point wrong or omitted, i ; multipli- 
cation and division, 5 if the decimal point is right, 6 if it 
is wrong. Total value of test, 64 units. 

Record: Number of seconds taken, number of possible points 
(64), minus number of points lost. E. g., 10; 250 sees., 
64- 8. 

Rating: Apply formula II. Point of reference, the perfect 
completion of 64 units in 240 seconds. RU, 64, total num- 
ber of reference units in test; Ru, reference time per unit 
which is 240 -i- 64 or 3.75; E, errors or omissions; T, time 

I A 1 • f 1 R" X RU - E , 

taken. Applymg formula — = r to sample 

A u u 375 X (64 - 8) 

record above we have, =.81 

250 

12. Card Sorting (complex) 

Description: (i) 50 cards, 2" X 3" X .03", stifF cardboard, with 
seven black letters posted promiscuously on each one. The 
cards are numbered and marked on the back so that the 
examiner can sort them after every trial into their exact 
original order and at the same time count all mistakes. 
(2) A sample set of eight cards, for preliminary trial. (3) 
A plain square cardboard, 12" X 12", with X — K printed 
in one comer, X — Y in another, 5 — 6 in the third, and 
others in the fourth. 

Instructions: Place the cardboard in front of subject. "I wish 



4lO APPENDIX 

you to arrange these cards (holding out sample set) like 
this: those that have X and Y on them go here (pointing 
to appropriate comer of large cardboard and laying down 
the card) where it says X — Y; those that have X and K 
on them go here, where it says X -- K (laying down the 
cards which contain X — K); those that have 5 and 6 on 
them go here; and those that have none of these combina- 
tions here, where it says other. Now (picking up the 
sample set and handing it to subject) try it with these 
cards." 

"Now do the same thing with these cards (handing sub- 
ject the large pack). Do it carefully and quickly but do 
not rush. All right? Start." Allow subject to finish. 

Record: Sort back cards, counting all mistakes. Record num- 
ber of test, number of seconds taken, number of mistakes 
made. E. g., 12; 84 — 2. 

Rating: Apply formula II. Point of reference is 50 cards cor- 
rectly sorted in 80 seconds; RU, 50, the total number of 
units in the test; Ru or reference time per unit is 80 -^ 50 
or 1.6; E, errors, to be counted double; T, time taken. 
Applying this formula to the sample record above, 

1.6 X 50-4 _ . 

13b. Oral Directions (easy) 

Description: This test, because of its nature, is given under 
instructions. 

Instructions: "I am going to give you a number of directions 
so listen very carefully and do exactly what I tell you to. 
For instance, I might ask you to fold this sheet of paper 
twice and then write your name near the top, like this, 
(examiner demonstrates). Be sure to listen carefully each 
time and as soon as I stop talking da exactly what I say. 
Are you ready?" The examiner then proceeds to give 
the following series of directions which he has carefully 



APPENDIX 411 

memorized beforehand. Each direction is to be given once 
only. 

1. Draw a Hne three times as long as this one (showing a 
line I in. long). 

2. Find the telephone number of in the telephone 

directory and show it to me. 

3. What time will it be in 20 minutes.? 

4. Find the address of in the telephone directory 

and write it on this envelope. 

5. Count the cards in this pile and write the number at 
the top of this paper. 

6. Put a cross in the lower right hand comer of this paper 
and fold it so the cross will be inside. 

7. Get a book on the second shelf of the cupboard and 
open to page 98. 

8. Separate these clips so that there will be ten in one box, 
three in another, seven in the third and fourteen in the 
fourth. 

9. Write the date at the top of this paper, your father's 
name in the center and your address at the bottom of the 
other side. 

10. (Examiner places a 25 cent piece and a 5 cent piece 
before the subject and a 25 and 10 cent piece before him- 
self.) Out of the money in front of you, pay me 20 cents, 
using my money for change. 

Record: Number of test, time taken, number of directions 
given, number of mistakes made. E. g., 13b; 300, 10 — 2. 

Rating: Apply formula II. Point of reference is completion of 
10 units in 250 seconds; RU is 10; Ru, 25. Applied to 

sample record above = ,67. 

300 

13c. Context Test 

1. The kind lady the poor man a dollar. 

2. The plays her dolls all day. 



412 APPENDIX 

3. Boys and soon become and women. 

4. The poor baby as if it were sick. 

5. The rises the morning and at 

night. 

6. The poor little has nothing to ; 

he is hungry. 

7. The boy who hard do well. 

8. Men more to do heavy work 

women. 

9. It is a task to be kind to every beggar 

for money. 

10. It is very to become acquainted 

persons who timid. 

11. To many things ever finishing any of 

them a habit. 

12. One's real appears often in his 

than in his speech. 

13. The knowledge of use fire is 

of important things known by but unknown 

animals. 

14 that are to one by an friend 

should be pardoned readily than injuries done by one 

is not angry. 

15. To friends is always the it takes. 

13c. Context Test 

Description: See accompanying test. This principle has been 
adapted to a variety of uses as for e. g., the context test for 
tool makers given in Chapter XIII, and test number 50. 

Instructions: "On each dotted line write the word which makes 
the best meaning. For instance (reading first sentence 
and pointing out the blank with a pencil) *The kind lady 
gave the poor man a dollar.' Put only one word in every 
blank. Do this quickly and carefully. All right.? Start." 
Allow subject 240 seconds. 



APPENDIX 



413 



Record: Number of test, number of seconds taken, number of 
blanks attempted, number of mistakes made. E. g., 13c; 
240 sees., 30 — 2. 

Rating: Apply formula I. Point of reference is perfect com- 
pletion of 31 blanks in 240 seconds; RU, 31; errors, wrong 
word in blank counts double and each word omitted counts 



one. Applying formula to sample record. 



30 



31 



= .84. 



Suggestions: Guard against subject's spending too much time 
over any one space. 



15. Letter Substitution 









t 


g 


u 


p 


m 


k 










t 




c 


V 


e 


j 


z 


d 




P 




g 


u 


P 


m 


k 


t 


g 


u 


m 


k 


m 


P 


t 


k 


m 


P 


g 


t 


m 


k 


u 


g 


t 


g 


u 


k 


t 


u 


p 


m 


k 


g 


P 


t 


P 


k 


u 


t 


u 


P 


u 


t 


k 


u 


g 


m 


u 


t 


p 


m 


t 


m 


g 


k 


t 


m 


k 


u 


P 


g 


m 


k 


t 


g 


k 


u 


t 


m 


P 


g 


k 


m 


P 


g 


u 


t 


P 


g 


u 


m 


k 


P 


g 


m 


P 


u 


k 


P 


m 


g 


t 


m 


u 


k 


u 


P 


g 


m 


t 


k 


m 


t 


g 


P 


u 


g 


m 


g 


k 


t 


P 


u 


g 


k 


u 


t 


m 


u 


k 


m 


t 


g 


u 


P 


t 


g 


k 


m 


u 


P 


P 


t 


k 


u 


m 


g 


k 


u 


t 


g 


P 


k 


Description: I 


See sample test. 














Instructions: 


Show 


applicant a 


slip 


containing 


the 


following 




sample: 




























bird 


n y q 








(i) 










f 


wh i 


s a 


X 








(2) 



rqnldbylqyrb 



(3) 



414 APPENDIX 

"I wish you to put under every letter in this line (point- 
ing to third line) the letter that you see under it up here 
(pointing to first two key lines). Under every *b* put *P 
and under every ^V put *w' etc. Now, what would you put 
under *r' (pointing to the first letter in the third line)? 
Finish the line. Now take this sheet (giving subject test 
proper) and do the same thing, taking each number as it 
comes. Do this quickly and carefully. All right? Start." 
Allow 120 seconds. 

Record: Count number of mistakes. Record number of test, 
number of seconds taken, number of letters covered, and 
number of mistakes. E. g., 15; 120 sees., 76 — 2. 

Rating: Apply formula I. Point of reference, 90 in 120 seconds; 
RU, number of units called for by point of reference, i. e., 
90; N, number of units completed; E, errors, which count 
double. Applying the formula to above sample, 
76-4 



90 



= .80 



15m. Mixed Letter and Number Substitution 

Description: This test is like 15 except that it is based on the 
following key: 

m k 8 7 d 2 h 
c 4 6 u y 9 t 

F. Clerical Series (general) 

1. Order of Procedure: 

fl. 8 

b. 13b or 13c 

C' IS 

d, 10 

e. 12 

2. Shock ahsorher: Test 8 is simple enough, to act as a shock 

absorber and is counted as only 10 per cent of the total 
performance. 



APPENDIX 



415 



Pro-rating: The applicant's final rating is secured by pro- 
rating the five tests as follows: test 8 counts 10%; 13c, 
25%; IS> 25%; 10, 20%. The pro-rating formula then is: 
.10 X r8 + .25 X ri3c + .25 X ri5 + .20 X no + .20 X 
ri2 =R. The pro-rating formula in this case is based on 
estimates placed upon the importance of each of the tests 
in relation to the kind of clerical work to be done. Various 
combinations of clerical tests are made to suit the partic- 
ular specifications of various kinds of jobs, and in each 
case, the pro-rating formula varies accordingly. When, for 
instance, alphabetical or topical filing clerks are desired, 
these tests are given more weight than any others. It is 
impracticable to go into all the details of these combina- 
tions. The tests as units will however be given. 

Standards: The standard in use is to recommend those who 
obtain 70 or over, and to recommend for a trial, those 
between 60 and 70, especially when help is scarce. 





16. Spelling 




advance 


concieve 


contrary 


destribution 


leaveing 


appointment 


payroll 


various 


instal 


section 


defenite 


routene 


beleive 


numerous 


confusion 


posession 


preform 


proccess 


parrallel 


origon 


adviseable 


neccessary 


function 


comittee 


allowence 


effective 


establish 


information 


duplicateing 


discribe 


revised 


schedul 


concise 


temperary 


maintenence 


deferred 


expence 


fourty 


alteration 


required 


recind 


permenent 


telephone 


cansel 


conveneince 


clearence 


accomedate 


approved 



4i6 

discrepency 

sufficient 

coordinate 

emergency 

proceed 

proceedure 

devisions 

production 

voucher 

saleable 

recieve 

engineers 



APPENDIX 




typwriter 


knowlege 


issuing 


assisstance 


application 


apparently 


envelop 


beureau 


compencation 


admirable 


dissappoint 


miscellaneous 


inquire 


superflus 


ocassional 


elimenate 


accertain 


desireable 


dictate 


appropriation 


discoverable 


campaigne 


seperate 


desposition 



Description: See sample. This and other similar tests were 
based upon a study of typical correspondence. 

Instructions: "On the other side of this sheet you will find a 
list of words. Some of the words are spelled correctly and 
some incorrectly. Place a check after every word that is 
spelled incorrectly. Do this quickly and carefully. All 
right? Start." Allow subject to finish. Examiner than 
corrects the test and at once continues: "Now write down 
these words as I dictate them to you." Examiner then 
dictates to subject those words which have been wrongly 
checked or overlooked. 

Corrections: Record time taken, number of mistakes, and num- 
ber of mistakes left after dictation. E. g., i6; 127 — 8 — 3. 

Rating: Formula II. Point of reference, perfect completion of 
84 words in 126 seconds. RU, 84; Ru, 1.5, i. e., 126 + 84; 
E, errors count one if made once, and two points if repeated. 
Then, applying the formula to the above sample: 



1.5 X (84 - 8 - 6) 
127 



= .83. 



Suggestions: This method takes much less time than the straight 
dictation method and is just as fair. 



APPENDIX 



417 



17. Handwriting 

Description: The subject is given a short paragraph of easy 
English, or a short column of figures to copy. The Thorn- 
dike and other scales have been used to correct this test 
but none of them have been found satisfactory. The scales 
themselves may be good but no two people applying them 
can get the same result. It is sufficient in most cases to 
rate handwriting as large, small, medium; very legible, 
fairly legible, illegible. 

19. Alphabetical Filing Test 

Description: See sample given below. 

Instructions: Show subject a slip containing the following: 



chain 


a 


e 


g 


i 


w 


spend 


ab 


ef 


ho 


sa 


St 


mixture 


a 


f 


k 


r 


X 


eyes 


b 


d 


m 


P 


V 


candy 


ar 


ca 


CO 


I 


s 



"Put a check to show between what letters you would file 
these words. For instance, chain begins with *c' and would 
come between *a' and 'e' so you place a check there; spend 
begins with *sp' so it comes before *st' but after *sa.' 
Try it with the rest of these words." Applicant finishes 
placing the words on the sample slip. "Now do the same 
thing with this entire sheet (examiner shows test 19 which 
consists of 50 words arranged according to the above 
principle). All right? Start." Allow 150 seconds only. 

Record: Time, number of words placed, number of errors. 
E. g., 19; 150 sees., 48 - 3. 

Rating: Formula I. Point of reference, 50 words in 150 seconds; 
RU, 50; N, number of words covered; E, errors, which count 

double. Applying to above sample record, = .84 

SO 



41 8 APPENDIX 

19c. Alphabetical Card Filing 

Description: An Acme 4" X s" file box, with alphabetical filler; 
25 cards each containing a name. 

Instructions: "Read the name on each of these cards (showing 
subject three sample cards) and place it back of the letter 
with which the name begins. Try it with these cards. 
Now do it with this whole pack." Here the subject is 
given 25 cards to finish filing. 

Record: Number of test, time, number of cards filed, number 
of errors. E. g., 19c; 140 sees., 25 — i. 

Rating: Apply formula II. Point of reference is 25 units in 
100 seconds; Ru, 4 sees. ; RU, 25 ; E, errors, count 2. Apply- 
ing formula to above sample record, = .66. 

140 

20T3, Typing and Dictation 

Mr. Maurice Bennett, 
465 Eighth St., 
Boston, Mass. 

Dear Sir: 

You wish to get your morning and evening papers promptly 

123456789 10 11 

and regularly every day. 

12 13 14 15 16 

It is extremely annoying not to be able to get your favorite 

17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 

paper at the time when you are accustomed to read it. If it 

29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 

is late, you haven't the time to look it over as carefully as you 

41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 53 53 

would like. And you want to have it delivered in a manner 

54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 

that will cause you no personal inconvenience. 

66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 

We are the only news dealers having a stand in this locality, 

75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 

and we give special attention to the delivery of newspapers at 

87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 



APPENDIX 419 

residences. If you want careful and courteous service, if you 

100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 

want your papers delivered promptly every day, then you want 

112 113 114 115 116 117 118 119 120 121 122 123 

what we are here to give. 

124 125 126 127 128 

We shall appreciate a trial of our service and shall make 

129 130 131 132 133 134 135 136 137 138 139 140 

every possible effort to please you. 

141 142 143 144 145 146 147 

Very truly yours, 

148 149 150 



20T3. Typing Test 

Description: See accompanying sample. Besides this, a variety 
of typing tests, including forms and tabulations, are used. 
However, because of the fact that few beginning typists 
have had specialized instruction and also, because of the 
inevitable handicap of a new machine, it is advisable to 
give tests which are free from technicalities. 

Instructions: Explain to subject anything which she fails to 
understand about the spacing, keys, etc., of the machine 
which she is to use. Use a machine of the kind she has 
been accustomed to using or one as near like it as possible. 
Allow subject to adjust sheet and type salutation by way 
of preparation. "Now I wish you to copy the rest of this 
letter quickly and carefully." Do not allow subject to 
exceed ten minutes. 

Corrections: Mistakes are valued as follows: There are 150 five- 
space units in test 20T3. Each wrong word or word omitted 
counts 5; each mistake in punctuation or capitalization, 
2; each smudge, 2; from 5 to 10 for poor margins and un- 
sightly distribution. 

Record: Number of test, time, taken, number of units covered 
— it will be seen in the sample letter that every fifth space 
marks a unit — and number of mistakes made. E. g., 
20T3; 160 sees., 150 — 20. 



420 APPENDIX 

Rating: Apply formula I. Point of reference is 150 units in 
150 seconds; RU, 150 units, Ru, i second. Applying 

r 1 t J 1 I X (150 — 20) 

lormula to sample record above, = .81 

160 



20T3. Stenographic Test 

Description: See sample typing test and description. The same 
tests used for typing can be used for dictaphone and dicta- 
tion. 

Instructions: "Please take down the following letter:" Exam- 
iner hands subject a regulation notebook and a pencil (all 
pencils should be ^2 hardness, without erasers, and kept 
always well sharpened). " If I go too slowly, say: * faster/ " 
Examiner dictates letter trying to keep up to the appli- 
cant's capacity but being very careful not to press for speed. 
Periods and rommas should not be called, but paragraphs, 
colons, semi-colons, dashes, etc., should. Time is taken. 
After the appHcant has finished taking the dictation, she 
is placed bef :e a machine and told to insert her paper, 
adjust her margins, and type the salutation of the letter 
she has just taken down. "Now copy the rest of the letter 
quickly and carefully. If you get stuck in any one place, 
skip it and go on with the next part. All right .f^ Start." 
Subject should be allowed to complete the letter. 

Record: Number of test, time taken for dictation, time taken for 
transcription, number of mistakes. 

Rating: In rating this test, the time taken for dictation and 
transcription shall be added together since both belong 
essentially to the same test. Apply formula II. The point 
of reference is the perfect completion of the test in 6 min- 
utes; RU in this particular test is 150; errors shall be de- 
ducted from this according to the scale of values given. 
Ru is 2.4 seconds, that is, 6 minutes (reference time) divided 
by RU (150). If the test is done in 7 minutes or 420 seconds 



APPENDIX 421 

with errors valued at 20 points, formula II will give 
2.4 X 150 — 20 



420 



= 74 



21. Grammar Test 



Correct any mistakes in the following sentences: 

1. It was me who he sent for the doctor on Winchester av. 

2. Between you and I its a very good offer. 

3. He said he would learn you unless you was to dumb. 

4. If them houses was cheap, I might of been able to buy one. 

5. The office boy said mr smith done the work easy. 

6. Do you not enjoy reading Washington Irvings essays, espe- 

cially since you seen the hudson river. 

7. Harolds brother in law managed the Inisiness like he was 

used to such work. 

8. The sound of voices were heard as she sung a beautiful french 

song. '- 

9. You might of gone with Tom and I. 

10. Neither you or me should boast said Jim but I know 
Im the strongest of us two. 

Description: See sample test. 

Instructions: "On the other side of this paper are some sentences 
with grammatical errors. I want you to read through each 
sentence carefully and correct each mistake you find, by 
crossing out the error and writing just above it the correct 
form. For instance, how would you correct this sentence? 
(Examiner gives subject a sample slip containing this sen- 
tence: *John set on the steps because you was not to 
home.') Now correct the sentences on the other side of 
this paper just as carefully as you did that one. All right? 
Start." Allow 180 seconds maximum time. 

Record: Number of test, number of seconds taken, number of 
units covered, number of mistakes made. E. g., 21; 100 
sees., 40 — 10. 



422 APPENDIX 

Rating: Apply formula II. Point of reference is perfect com- 
pletion of 40 units in 160 seconds; RU, 40; Ru, 4 sees.; 
errors count 2. Apply to sample record above, 
4 X (40 - 20) 



iot> 



= .80. 



G. TYPIST TESTS 

1. Order of Procedure: (a) Shock absorber 

(b) 15 

(c) 13c 

(d) 16 

(e) 20T3 

2. Shock Absorber: As a shock absorber, give subject a type- 

written letter with several glaring mistakes in spacing, 
punctuation, and capitaHzation. Ask subject to read this 
letter and check off the mistakes. This test should be 
very simple and easy. 

3. Pro-rating: The applicant's desirability is determined by 

pro-rating the above tests according to the formula: 
.10 X ri5 + .25 X ri3c + .25 X ri6 + .40 X r2oT3 = R. 
From this it will be seen that the typing test counts much 
more than any Other, viz., 40%, while the context and spell- 
ing tests count 25% each, and the letter substitution test 
10%. However, in the case of a new typist, just out of 
school, who has not yet had time to develop speed on the 
machine, it is advisable to count the typing test only 25%, 
and tests 13c, 16, and 15, 30%, 30%, and 15% respectively. 
This is on the assumption that ability in these tests pred- 
icates a good basis for future ability as a typist. See 
Chapter VIII. 

4. Standards: From .60 to 1. 00 shall be recommended; between 

.50 and .60 shall be recommended for a trial under close 
supervision. 



APPENDIX 423 

H. STENOGRAPHERS' SERIES 

1. Order of Procedure: (a) Shock absorber (same as for typists) 

(b) 15m 

(c) 16 

(d) 13c 

(e) 21 

(f) 20T3 

2. Pro-rating: These tests are to be pro-rated according to the 

following formula: 

.10 X ri5m + .15 X ri6 + .15 X ri3c + .10 X r2i + .50 
X r2oT3 = R. In cases where it is desirable to engage an 
inexperienced stenographer on the basis of her future pos- 
sibilities, this formula should be modified as follows: 
.20 X ri5m + .20 X ri6 + .20 X ri3c + .10 X r2i + .30 
X r2oT3 = R. 

3. Standards: Above .60 shall be recommended; between .50 

and .60 shall be recommended for a trial under close super- 
vision. 

4. Suggestions: If the applicant is exceptionally poor, 1. e., 

below .30 in any one test, it is advisable to give further 
tests in this direction. A stenographer whose work in spell- 
ing alone, or in grammar alone, is atrocious, can hardly be 
recommended no matter how high she is in all other tests. 



25. Number Substitution 

Description: This test is like 15 and 15m, except that it is made 
up entirely of numbers, and is based on the following key: 

12345 
87069 

Instructions: See instructions for test 15. 

Rating: Point of reference, 100 in 120 sec; RU„ lOO; E counts 
double. Apply formula I. 



424' 



26. 


Comptometer Addition 


I 


2 


3 


9.8J 


12.04 


23.89 


6.73 


9.78 


16.48 


4.06 


36-79 


24.77 


5.98 


92.83 


90.02 


4.90 


80.46 


81.01 


8.69 


9.69 


97.96 


2.74 


74.65 


38.64 


1.88 


•27 


45.26 


9.78 


3-92 


98.32 


5.69 


64.38 


52-13 


4-37 


7.21 


69.95 


9.99 


.96 


80.03 




12.38 


29.06 




4-97 


84.79 




92.83 


32-90 




69.85 


98.76 




34-79 


20.48 




2-39 


86.39 




10.50 


92.68 

43-97 
60.40 

29.28 

13.40 

35-87 


27. 


Comptometer Extending 


• 4291 


3- 5-278 


5. 812.5 



5-4 57-4 



5321 
.62 


4. 772 

3-^5 


.6. 4721 
.0076 



42o6 
1.45 



50.81 10 

.206 



APPENDIX 

?• 439 

.527 


II. 26.62 
.418 


). 5.321 
72.5 


12. 5073 
3.604 



425 



26. Comptometer Adding 

Description: See sample. This is one of the several tests in 

use for operators on the comptometer, Burroughs adding 

machine, etc. 
Instructions: "Add these columns on your machine. Add each 

column until you get the same answer twice. Do this 

quickly and carefully. All right.? Start." 
Record: The first column counts one unit, the second two, and 

the third three, making six units for the test. Record 

number of test, time, number of units, and number of 

units wrong. E. g., 26; 200 sec, 6 — 1. 
Rating: Point of reference, 6 units in 180 seconds; RU 6; RU 30 

sec. Apply formula II. E. g., ^Q X (^ " ') ^ ^y. 

200 



27. Comptometer Extending 

Description: See sample test. 

Instructions: "Work out these multiplication or extending 

examples on your machine. Write each answer as you get 

it. Do each example once only. Work quickly but do 

not rush. All right? Start." 
Record: Number of test, time, number of mistakes. 
Rating: Point of reference, 12 units in 144 seconds; RU, 12; 

Ru, 12; E, errors which count double. Apply formula 11. 



426 APPENDIX 

I. Comptometer Operators' Series 

1. Order of Procedure: 

a. 8 (shock absorber). 

b. 25. 

c. 13b. 

d. 10. 

e. 26. 

f. 27. 

2. Pro-rating: The formula in use for operators who have had 

training in both adding and extending is: 

.10 X r8 + .10 X ri5 + .10 X ri3b + .20 X no + .25 X 

r26 + .25 X r27 = R. 

Division is comparatively little used. Where it is re- 
quired, an appropriate test is included. Where operators 
with special experience in adding or in extending alone are 
required, the more important test is valued at 40% the 
less at 10%. Where operators who are just out of school 
and who have not yet acquired speed are desired, the pro- 
portional value given to the tests shall be .10, .15, .10, .30, 
.20, and .15 respectively. 

3. Standards: Above .70 to be recommended; .60 to .70 to be 

recommended for a trial. 

30. Topical Filing (easy) 

A. Traffic 

B. Education 

C. Athletics 

D. Politics 

E. Music 

F. Agriculture 

1. The building of a new Commercial High School is now under 

consideration. 

2. Now is the time for every good man to come to the aid of 

his party. 



APPENDIX 427 

3. It has been necessary for the mayor to determine exact 

routes for jitneys in order to reHeve congestion. 

4. The baseball squad is having daily practice from three to 

five. 

5. The program offered by the conservatory for the coming 

winter promises to be a very interesting one. 

6. The farmers during the past year raised the biggest wheat 

crop in history. 

7. Those who wish to learn to speak French should join the 

class which is being formed to meet every evening in 
the high school. 

8. The Democratic party is sending speakers to all the doubt- 

ful states during the fall campaign. 

9. The citizens of New Haven should support their public 

schools in every way possible. 

10. It has been found necessary to clothe the policeman at the 

crossing of Chapel and Church Streets in a white coat at 
night, to prevent him from being run over. 

11. Song leaders are being trained so that there may be patriotic 

singing when the band plays at noon. 

12. The principal occupation in the southern states is the 

raising of cotton. 

13. The English and French soldiers are enthusiastic over the 

American game of baseball. 

14. Woolsey Hall was packed with people who came to hear 

Galli Curci give her famous song recital. 

15. No automobiles are allowed to park on Chapel Street near 

the Green, on account of the narrowness of the street. 

16. The best man finally won, although the election was very 

close. 

Description: See sample test. 

Instructions: Place before subject a sample slip containing the 
following : 

A. TraflSc 

B. Education 



428 APPENDIX 

C. Athletics 

D. Politics 

E. Music 

F. Agriculture 

1. A wrestling match will take place to-night at the Arena. 

2. Three concerts were given by the Regiment band last 

week. 

"Here are a number of topics. (Examiner reads off all 
the topics to the subject.) Read this sentence (number i) 
and tell me which of these topics it speaks about. (Ex- 
aminer waits for subject's answer.) Athletics is right. 
Now, write at the end of the sentence the letter in front 
of that topic. (Allows subject to write letter *C' at end of 
sentence.) Now do the same thing with each sentence on 
this sheet (displaying complete test), taking each sentence 
as it comes. All right? Start." 

Record: Number of test, number of seconds taken, number of 
sentences covered, number of mistakes. E. g., 30; 90 sees.; 
16- I. 

Rating: Apply formula II. Point of reference, perfect comple- 
tion of 16 units in 80 seconds; RU, 16; Ru, 5; E, errors 
count 2. Applying to sample record above, 
5 X (16 - 2) 



90 



= .78 



33, 34. Manual Dexterity 

Description: See Chapters IV, and VI. 

Instructions: Empty the triangles into cover of form-board, 
and leave them in that position. Place empty form-board 
before subject, the largest triangle being at the left. "I 
wish you to put these triangles back in the holes where 
they belong. Start with the biggest orie and do each in 
turn. Every triangle fits loosely, so do not try to force it. 
Do this quickly and carefully. All right.? Start." Let 



APPENDIX 429 

subject finish. "Now do the same thing with your left 
hand. All right.? Start." Two trials with each hand are 
given. 

Record: Number of test, hand, and time in each trial. 

Suggestions: These tests have since been combined into a 
single board, and another board with still larger cut-outs 
is being designed. No definite standards have yet been 
established. 

When 34 is used as a shock absorber, it need be given 
only once, and only with the right hand. To give it for 
the left hand might embarrass rather than quiet the sub- 
ject. These tests have been found valuable in detecting 
at once people who are left handed. It is important not 
to assign left-handed people to machines or benches de- 
signed for right-handed use. 

38. Cube Construction (see Ch. XI). 

39. Stenquist Mechanical test (see Chs. VI and XI). 

J. TRADE TESTS 

42. Tool makers' vocabulary (see Ch. XIII). 

43. Tool makers* part whole relation test (see Ch. XIII). 

44. Tool makers' contest test (see Ch. XIII). 

45. Trade questions for gunsmiths (see Ch. XX). 

46. Jig and Fixtures (designing) 

1 Q. What is the difference between a jig and a fixture.? A. A 

jig holds the piece and at the same time provides guides 
for the tools. A fixture holds the work, provides no guides 
and must in turn be held securely to the machine on which 
it is used. 

2 Q. What determines the length of a drill bushing? A. The 

bushing generally is twice as long as the diameter of the 
tool used in it. 



430 APPENDIX 

3 Q. What must be allowed for when designing a fixture, if 

the piece has previously been worked upon ? A. Allow for 
burrs. 

4 Q. Which is better practice, to mill toward the solid or the 

movable jaw of a fixture? A. Toward the solid jaw. 

5 Q. What must first be decided before a jig or fixture can be 

designed? A. The locating points must be known. 

6 Q. What relation must the feet of a jig bear to the guide 

bushings ? A. All bushings must be inside the geometrical 
figure formed by the feet. 

7 Q. If the fixture is to be used on a machine which has "T" 

slots, what should be provided on the fixture? A. The 
base of the fixture should have keys or tongues to fit the 
slots and they should be square with the holding points. 

8 Q. Where should clamps be provided to best resist springing? 

A. Opposite the bearing points. 

9 Q. Which are better for fixture work, straight or taper pins ? 

A. Taper pins. 

10 Q. Which would be the better, a jig designed so as to admit 

the piece one way only, or one into which the piece could 
go several ways? A. Have opening so as to allow piece 
correct way only. 

47. Apprentice Test 
(i) Add 8297 (2) Subtract 59763 
4335 47857 
1759 

(3) Divide 68256 -^ 432 (4) Multiply 79643 

X 448 



(5) Point ofF this number 7607548. 

(6) Put in figures in decimal form this nuniber: — Four thou- 
sand, five hundred and ninety-seven hundred thousandths. 

(7) The answer of this (427)^ = 



APPENDIX 431 



(8) \/20i64 = 

(9) Sketch each of these: — 

(a) Square 

(b) Rectangle 

(c) Hexagon 

(d) Pentagon 

(e) Semicircle 
(0 Ellipse 

(g) Right angle triangle 

(10) Find the circumference of a wheel which is 1;" in diameter. 

(11) Multiply 7X3/16: 3/4X5/8: 3 i/4X~2 1/2: 

(12) What would be the cost of eight 1/2" X 5" machine bolts 
at I 5/8 cents each? 

(13) Change 7/32 to a decimal. 

(14) Change .3125 to a fraction. 

(15) Give the area in square feet of a room 15' X 25'. 

48. Trade Questions for Machinists 

1. How many ways do you know for turning a taper? 

2. Name five types of work which can be done on a universal 
miller. 

3. What machines and tools would you use for surfacing a 
flat cast iron plate 16" x 25'' x 2"? 

4. What is the most important thing to look after before 
starting the feed on a cylindrical grinder? 

5. What causes a drill to cut larger than its diameter? 

6. How should a lathe tool for use on brass differ from one for 
use on steel? 

7. What type of machine do you consider capable of the 
greatest variety of work ? 

8. Which would you run at the greater R. P. M., a slotting 
saw 5" diameter or an end mill i^" diameter? 

9. What will be the result of leaving chalk on a steel or iron 
surface ? 

10. How much stock is usually left for reaming? 



432 APPENDIX 

11. When would you use Prussian Blue? 

12. In what respect does a shaper tool differ from a lathe 
tool.? 

13. What determines the size of key for a shaft? 

14. Name some (3) good bearing metals. 

49. Association Test for Machinists 

Name the machine with which you associate the following 
words: 

For example dog lathe. 

1. Rack— 

2. Platen — 

3. Turret — 

4. Compound Rest — 

5. Collet— 

6. Ram — 

7. Mandrel — 

8. Lead Screw — 

9. Ways — 

10. Hollow Mill— 

11. Allundum — 

12. "T" Bolt— 

13. Rawhide — 

14. Drift Pin — 

15. Knee — 

16. Parallel— 

17. Magnetic Chuck — 

18. Dresser — 

19. Feed Rod — 

20. Chasing dial — 

50. Machinists* Context Test 

Fill in the blank spaces with words making the best meaning. 
There are size drills generally thought of when prepar- 



1 



APPENDIX 



433 



ing to drill a tapped hole, namely, the size and the 

size. If a tap is broken off in the hole it can be removed by 

means of a Frequently the tap helps to prevent 

breakage. The pilot of a counterbore should be 

To allow for adjustment when fitting bearings are 

sometimes inserted. All bearings must be made so as to permit 
If a babbitt bearing it will thus pre- 
venting injury to the shaft. 

It is a good plan to pieces of machinery so that they 

will go back in the same position if taken down for some pur- 
pose. A good way to such pieces is by means of 

A is put on planners and shapers to prevent wear of 

the tool on the return stroke. 

A worn gear should generally run in 

A drive pulley to a follower gives a fast speed to 

the follower. 

A pulley may be fastened to the shaft by means of a 

or a 

When filing on a lathe the work should revolve The 

file should be fitted with a 

A good cut for a file which is used for finishing work would 
be 

When knocking a cutter out of a collet it is best to use a 
in the tang hole. 

51. Spatial Perception 

Description: See Chapters IV, VI, XI. This test has been 
enlarged (i) by the addition of new spaces (2) by using 
two form-boards instead of one. The use of two boards, 
each with a different arrangement, makes it possible to give 
the same test in two ways, but it also makes it possible 
to have the pieces arranged in exactly the same position 
for every subject (Ch. XI). 

Instructions: These instructions are intended for the original 
test "Pick up each piece, size it up, and then put it 



434 APPENDIX 

where it belongs. Each piece fits loosely, so don't try to 

force it. Do this quickly and carefully." After subject 

has finished, repeat the test. 
Record: Each attempt to place a piece in the wrong space 

counts as an error. Mistrials of a piece in the right space 

are not counted, (i) because it is impossible to count them; 

(2) the total time compensates for them automatically. 

Record, for trial a and b, the time and number of mistakes. 
Rating: Point of reference, completion of test in 56 seconds; 

RU, 14; RU, 4, E count I. Apply formula 11. 

91. Machine Operator's Test 

Description: See Chapter X. 

Instructions: Examiner in preparation makes sure that the dial 
is revolving at a speed of 35 R. P. M. "I want you to 
drop a ball through the slot into the funnel like this: 
(Examiner drops five or six balls in succession.) Use this 
hand (demonstrating with the left hand) to pick up the 
balls and pass the balls to your other hand one at a time 
like this. (Examiner drops three more balls.) If the ball 
fails to go through the slot or falls on the floor, don't pay 
any attention to it but keep right on with the others. See 
how many balls you can drop through the funnel. Now, 
try it. All right? Start." Subject is allowed to go on for 
two minutes with occasional suggestions from examiner 
to correct bad practices. Then allow an interval of one 
minute during which the examiner makes his records and 
engages the subject in conversation. Another trial of two 
minutes is then given. After another minute interval, a 
third trial of two minutes is given, this time with the slot 
half closed. Each time the examiner makes a reading on 
the Veeder counters at the beginning and at the end of 
the trial in order to determine the R. P. M. and the num- 
ber of successful attempts made by the subject. 

Record: There are three trials, to be designated a, b, and c. 



APPENDIX 435 

For each trial the exact time, number of balls successfully- 
dropped, and the R. P. M. should be recorded. 
Rating: Point of reference for trial a is 60 successful attempts; 
b, 70; c, 50. In each case, the time is 120 seconds. Sample 
record, 91 : a — 50; b — 64; c — 47. Formula I is applied 
to each record separately. In this case, the formula would 

work out as follows: 5_-= .8<?; — = .qi; — = .04.. 
60 •'70 50 ^^ 

Standards: Only approximate standards for this test have been 
developed. For the type of work described in Chapter X 
a minimum of .80 for fast machine operators, and .60 for 
slow machine operators was required. 



1< 



( 






INDEX 



Ambitions of applicants, 178 
Appearances, judging by, 231, 236 
Appendix, 393 
Applicant, past record of, 219; 

point of view of, Chap. XXV, 

361 
Application, of the word scientific, 

11; of tests, 19, 109; blank, 216, 

343 
Applying the results, Chap. Ill, 

39 

Apprentice toolmakers and ma- 
chinists. Chap. XI, 123; selec- 
tion of, 123, 176; intensive 
training of, 123; schools, 128 

Arithmetic test, 95 

Assemblers, selecting girls as. 
Chap. IV, 53; follow up on, 58 

Assembling gun parts, 55 

Assigning workers, 206 

Attitude of workers towards tests, 
76; of examiner, 160 



Choice of work, 180 

Classification of clerks, 107; of 
individuals, 174, 388 

Clerical, tests for technique, 79; 
for general intelligence, 79; 
work, different kinds of, 104; 
survey of, 105; peculiar de- 
scriptions of, 106 

Clerks, Chap. VII, 77; breaking 
in new, 77; experiments with, 
79; requisition for, 105; classi- 
fication of, 107 

Computing machine operators, 

94. 95. 98 
Correcting tests, 158 
Correlations, for inspectors, 33; 

assemblers, 59; apprentices, 

125, 128; between selection and 

retention, 316 
Cube test, 124 
Curves drawn for inspection tests, 

44 



Binet-Simon tests, 134 
Blank, application, 216, 343 
Bogardus fatigue apparatus, 113 

Card, job analysis, 106 

Casual methods of handling hu- 
man material, 16 

Character analysis, 240 

Checking up results of inspection 
tests, 49 



Defectives, 136, 185 
Demonstration, by examiner, 163; 

by applicant, 247 
Derivation of word science, 1 1 
Dial machines, 115 
Difference between inspection and 

gauging, 35 
Different kinds of clerical work, 

104 
Directions, giving, 161 



437 



438 



INDEX 



Discovering moral qualities, 197, 

202 
Duplication of tests, 167 
Dynamometer, hand, 57 

Early ideas of psychology, 9 

Education to decrease labor turn- 
over, 384 

Educational departments in in- 
dustry, 172 

Efficiency form, 310 

Employees, incapable, 277; pro- 
ductiveness of, 302; attendance 
of, 303> 313; record of, 342; 
transfer of, 179, 358 

Employment office, centralized, 
252; forms used in, 356; psy- 
chology defined. Chap. I, 3, 
5, 13; labor, and industry. 
Chap. XXVI, 376 

Examiner, attitude of, 160 

Executives, selecting, 189 

Filing tests, 108 

Flexibility of psychological stand- 
ards, 46 

Follow up on clerks, 84, 103 

Foreigners, testing, 186 

Foreman's opinion of tests given 
to assemblers, 60 

Form-board tests, 124 

Forms, used in employment work, 
356 

Gauging, 34 
Grammar test, 93 
Group tests, 168 
Guide to interviewer, 217 



Hand dynamometer, 57 

"Hire and fire" method of em- 
ployment, 13 

Hiring, by specification, iii; 
mechanical, 239 

How to ask questions and the 
development of question trade 
tests. Chap. XVHI, 215 

Human material, handling, 16 

Impulse, detecting, 179 
Individual progress report, 325, 

328, 329, 370 
Initiative, 236 
Innate ability, testing, 167 
Inspection, shell, description, 24; 

analysis of, 25 
Intelligence, general. Chap. XII, 

130; definition of, 130; higher 

grades of, 137 
Interviewers, variability of, 14, 

16; guide to, 217; impressions, 

23 5 > 253; first steps of, 340 
Introduction of employee to his 

place of work, 355 

Job analysis. Chap. XX, 251; 

card, 106; purpose, 260; factory, 

261; use of, 268 
Judging by appearances, 231, 

236 

Labor turnover, 380; unions, 386 
Laboratory, the portable. Chap. 
V, 62; description of, 63; 
value of, 65; possible improve- 
ment of, 66 
Lack of standard in observational 
method, 244 



INDEX 



439 



Language and literacy tests. 

Chap. XIII, 92, 140 
Loyalty, 219 

Machine operators, Chap. X, 112; 
turnover among, 112; correla- 
tions, 119; grading, 122 
Manual dexterity tests, 56 
Measure of comparative produc- 
tiveness, Chap. XXII, 297 
Measuring by limited impressions, 

Chap. XXIII, 320 
Mechanical hiring, 239 
Medicine, evolution of, 7 
Mental tests, definition, 17 
Method, scientific, 10; "Hire and 
fire," 13; of trying-out tests, 
24; of starting tests, 157 
Moral qualities, discovering, 197, 
202, 270, 277, 304 

National Association of corpora- 
tion schools, 171 
Nervousness of applicants, 155 
Numerical substitution tests, 97 



Preliminary trials of trade tests, 

228 
Preventing old employees from 

leaving, 357 
Production records, 191 
Productiveness of employee, 302; 

measuring, 307 
Promotions, 264, 321 
Psychological tests, 3; standards, 

46 

Psychology, Employment, de- 
fined. Chap. I, 3, 5, 13; early 
ideas of, 9 

Qualities of workers to be marked, 

324 
Questions, importance, 215; sug- 
gestions in, 220; to gun as- 
semblers, 224 

Recording tests, 159 
Requirements of assembling, 71 
Requisition for clerks, 105 
Rhythm, 118, 121 
Routine workers, 182 



Observation, value of, 235, 242 
Observing appearances. Chap. 
XIX, 23 1 ; relevant actions, 245 
Office vestibule school, 275 
Operators, slow and fast, 120 

Part whole relations tests, 140 

Pencils, use of, 165 

Personal judgments, unreliability 
of, 39, 43, 84, 233, 330 

Practical combination of em- 
ployment methods, Chap. 
XXIV, 340 



Schools, apprentice, 128 
Science, derivation, 11 
Scientific method, 10; application 

of the word, 1 1 
Scope of psychological tests. 

Chap. XVI, 188 
Scott three-hole test, 120 
Selecting girls as assemblers. 

Chap. IV, 53 
Shell inspection, description, 24; 

analysis of, 25 
Shock absorbers, 155 
Spatial perception tests, 57 



440 



INDEX 



Specification, for clerical work, 

109; hiring by, in 
Spelling test, 90 
Stenographers, typists, and comp- 

tometrists, Chap. VIII, 88, 93, 

177 
Stenquist test, 72, 124 
Stop watch, 159 
Substitution test, 91 
Suggestion, powers of, 207; in 

questions, 220 
Survey of clerical work, 105 

Technique of giving tests, Chap. 
XIV, 154 

Testing men assemblers. Chap. 
VI, 69; to specification. Chap. 
IX, 103; which discovers po- 
tential skill, 350 

Tests, psychological, 3; mental, 
17; extensive application of, 
19; testing, 20; trying out, 24; 
manual dexterity, 56; spatial 
perception, 57; Stenquist, 72; 
clerical, 79; typist, 90; stenog- 
raphers, 93 ; comptometrists, 
94; filing, 108; relative value of, 
no; cube, 124; form-board, 
124, 152; Binet-Simon, 134; 
part whole relations, 140, 147; 
naming opposites, 141; verb 
object, 141; adjective noun, 
141; context, 142, 146; com- 



pletion, 142; verbal, 144; tool 
list, 148; vocabulary, 149; lit- 
eracy, 150; correcting, 158; 
recording, 159; giving a series 
of, 161; trade. Chap. XVIII, 
215; blue prints, 227; periodic, 
279 

Trade tests. Chap. XVIII, 215; 
preliminary trials, 228 

Training course, 204 

Transcription, 93 

Transfers, 179, 358 

Turnover among machine oper- 
ators, 112 

Types of work tested, 188 

Typists, 89 

Unreliability of personal judg- 
ments, 39> 43> 233 

Value of observation, 235, 242 

Variability of interviewers, 14, 
16 

Vestibule schools. Chap. XXI, 
270; definition of, 273; pur- 
pose, 273; office, 275; teachers 
for, 280; factory, 282; kinds, 
282; centralized, 283; services 
of, 288 

Vocational value of tests. Chap. 
XV, 171 

Weakness of old method of 
employing, 14 



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